Nepal’s foreign policy of non-alignment, neutrality and forging an equidistant relationship with both neighbours has definitely helped Nepal stand as a sovereign and independent state. The discourse of Nepal as ‘a yam between two boulders’ was a view necessitated by an international context dominated by a realist worldview. However, there has since been a shift in worldview from realism to institutionalism and constructivism.
Since the end of World War II, cooperation has become the new agenda for the modern era. The focus is now on mechanisms for discussions and cooperation. The United Nations has provided a forum for states to come into formal contact with each other. Belief in institutionalism and cooperation is exemplified by the European Union once rival states that struggled for a balance of power amidst security dilemmas now stand as an example high level regional cooperation. In Europe, economic cooperation has triumphed over animosity. The EU has shown that competition can be gradually converted to
cooperation.
Changing definitions
The concept of national security, therefore, has gradually shifted to a much broader definition. Primarily in the Third World, security threats to the state apparatus appear to be frequently internal than external, especially given that many decolonised nations were formed containing substantial linguistic, cultural or ethnic minorities with few ties to the state. Internal underdevelopment and exclusion can be major factors for state disintegration. It is evident that the security strategy of states now requires an internal response ie, through development and social inclusion.
Nepal’s multi-ethnic and multi-lingual nature, along with a highly unstable political system and ranking among the poorest states in the world pose a major threat to its security, rather than any potential external military threat. Therefore, Nepal urgently needs to focus on aspects of development by calculating the maximum benefits it can extract from its two giant neighbouring economies. Nepal possesses great potential to become a bridge between these two nations, given its geostrategic position. An example perhaps can be taken from the landlocked state of Mongolia, which has reaped benefits as a transit state between Russia and China.
Landlocked to land-linking
Nepal’s landlocked nature certainly impedes its competitiveness but a good foreign policy will take advantage of the geostrategic position and strategise the nation’s growth amid such challenges. Much rhetoric has come from political actors in favour of tri-lateral cooperation, from king Birendra to Baburam Bhattarai and Jhala Nath Khanal. Indeed, Nepal must capitalise on its status as a ‘land-linking’ nation and move beyond the victim mindset of seeing itself as ‘landlocked’.
Nepal’s geography means that its trade diversification option with countries besides India and China depend on transit through India, making it difficult and less competitive. Nevertheless, it is fortunate to be located between two giant economies surging ahead rapidly with an average growth rate of 7 percent for the last few decades. Focusing carefully and strategically on Nepal’s two neighbours for a more productive relationship is therefore key to its development. Diversification of relations was relevant during king Mahendra’s time. However, now, it is essential for Nepal to embrace its geographic reality and use it for a strategic and objective end instead of upholding a victim-mindset of being a landlocked state.
A transit state
In spite of Nepal’s core foreign policy, allegedly based on maintaining an equidistant relationship with India and China, the practice remains arguable. Deep cultural ties and commonalities between India and Nepal have made maintaining equidistance more difficult to operationalise. Nepal’s relation with India is marked by a special relationship through the 1950 India-Nepal Treaty of Peace and Friendship, which accords special status to India.
India and China, despite some strained relations due to unresolved territorial disputes, have been brought together through the unprecedented economic growth of their domestic spheres. Their mutual economic interest and need has transformed them into a substantial trading partners China overtook the United States to become India’s biggest trading partner in 2008. The growing trade between these two giant economics in the absence of a permanent and feasible trade corridor seems to have necessitated adopting Nepal as a transit partner.
However, transport remains a major impediment to Sino-India bilateral trade as there is no efficient overland route to connect their geographies. The pass, Nathu-la, which was blocked after the 1962 Sino-India War but re-opened in 2006, is the only current operational trade route. However, standing at above 4,400 metres, the pass is snowy, risky, costly, and far from India’s major industrial hubs. Thus, Nepal holds great potential to become an efficient trade corridor.
Lhasa will soon be connected to mainland China by rail ie, the Lhasa-Shigatse rail link is expected to be completed by 2014. The Shigatse-Tatopani-Kathmandu-Birgunj link would be all of 815 km between India and China while at present, the trade between western China and India requires over 5,000km of rail/road plus sea transport.
There are 27 routes for mutual trade and six immigration points between Indian and Nepal. On the other hand, Nepal and China’s Tibet Autonomous Region have a 1,414 kilometre-long border shared by seven counties Tingkey, Tingri, Naylam, Kyirong, Saga, Drongpa and Purang and bounding 14 of Nepal’s districts Taplejung, Sankhu-wasbha, Solukhumbu, Dolakha, Sindhupalchowk, Rasuwa, Manang, Mustang, Dopla, Mugu, Humla, Bajhang and Darchula.
At present, only the 393 km Birgunj-Kathmandu-Kodari highway serves as a link between India and China that goes through Nepal. Another highway route via Rasuwagadi-Kerun is under construction and hasn’t yet been used for trade purposes.
The shortest potential transit routes between India and China other than the Raxaul-Trishuli-Rasuwa, as proposed by the Division of Roads in 2005, are Janakpur-Dolakha-Lambanagar; Mohana-Dhangadi-Atari-Baitadi-Darchula-Tinker; and Rani-Hile-Kimathanka. The corridors will have more access to the economic centres of Ahmadabad and Mumbai in India than the Tibet-Sikkim transit corridor. These corridors could be pivotal in linking Central Asia, South-west China and South East Asia.
According to the Ministry of Physical Planning and Works, priority has been given to the North-South connection, such as Birgunj-Galchi-Dhunnche-Rasuwagadi, Biratnagar-Kimathanka, Bhittamod-Lamabagar, Bhenighat-Larkey, Bhairahawa-Jomsom-Korala, Nepalgunj-Surkhet-Hilsa and Mahendranagar-Darchula-Tinka. The Birgunj-Safrubesi corridor has been completed and the Rasuwa-Safrubesi corridor (part of the Birgunj-Safrubesi corridor) has also been recently completed with the assistance of the Chinese government.
However, as Nepal’s north, being less developed than the south, requires a stronger focus on infrastructure and connectivity. Moreover, the land-linking project has great potential to usher in development through tourism, transit, taxes, customs and duties, trade, cooperation with both neighbours and cultural proximity among India-China-Nepal. To reap the benefits of being a transit state, Nepal needs to begin constructing its own domestic infrastructure like highways, renovating border cities, communication development, transportation, warehouses for storage and strengthening internal and border administration.
Pandey holds a Masters in International Relations and Political Science from Universidade Fernando Pessoa, Portugal
2 The elements of theatrical presentations are often considered pivotal in engaging and wooing audiences artistically. The directorial ability to connect and transition between scenes, the aesthetics and relevance of the stagecraft and attires, the artists’ ability to do justice to the characters they portray and the aura generated through well-designed lights and music are quintessential. But prior to these, the overall purpose and existence of any theatrical presentation depends upon the story, the plot or the concept, all of which are often used synonymously. Depending upon the creator, the underlying theme of a play can be generated and nurtured in different ways. Portraying noted historical events, fictional creations, issues revolving around the impact of social practices are theatrical reflections that have become generic to Nepali audiences. However, among these, the influence of politics has been omnipresent in most theatrical content.
On stage
Ashesh Malla’s rendition of the modern Mahabharata in Sakuni Pasaharu clearly outlines the internal vulnerability within political forces where power, money and prestige have a centripetal pull. Derived from the eponymous epic religious saga and reengineered through Malla’s own perception of Nepali politics, the play tries to justify the cliché: ‘politics is a dirty game’. Other noted plays like Raktabheej and Bhikchyaam Dehi, both written and directed by Ashesh Malla, also revolve around the undying love for power, its abuse and political and policy level corruptions. The locally adopted and stylised version of Akira Kurosawa’s Rashomon perfomed at Mandala Theatre has in fact opened doors for interpretations of all kinds. Although there were no direct political linkages, fleeting gestures, mimicked voices and unabashed accusations characterised Sunil Pokhrel’s blatant strike against power players. Also, the play’s scheduled staging during a time when the entire nation was glued to the news reports related to truth and reconciliation added another dimension for interpretation.
Similarly, the amount of absurdity and madness witnessed in Coma A political sex, left many audiences scratching their heads. The extreme possibilities of chaos that can evolve in a country lacking a governing constitution was perceived as the subliminal inclinations in Kumar Nagarkoti’s writing. The diversity found in the background and identity of the characters established onstage hinted at parties’ dubious acceleration towards multi-identity federalism. Going beyond the national political turmoil, Coma also comically portrays the darker side of Nepal’s extended neighbour diplomacy. Sometime back, when director Bijya Bishfot staged Ooni Mareka Chhainan, a play based on the true story of a Maoist journalist beaten to death by security forces, the political tint in the content itself had made the presentation prominent. This poignant tale succeeded even in moving a stoic political figure like Mohan Baidya, and even made him shed a few tears, to the amusement of the audiences.
Inspiring elements
Right from the ancient era to the modern day, Nepali theatre and art have captured and expressed the influences of different political setups in society. Legendary playwright Bal Krishna Sama’s Amarsingh and Chunda Nath Bhattarai’s Prithvi Narayan Shah, were noted dramas that reflected the state of affairs back then.
The indispensable attachment of politics to Nepali history has inspired as well as compelled many artists to go after political concerns. The Rana regime, the periodic rise and fall of the monarchy and political transformations though movements are some areas that theatre has directly or indirectly touched upon. Moving on, the 10 year Maoist insurgency induced playwrights to pen many tragic tales from all over the country. Banki Pristha, a widely applauded play staged at Sarwanam, showed the aggravation and pathos of ordinary citizens trapped in between the wars of two opposing forces.
Meanwhile, when we try to correlate politics with theatrical works, we must not overlook the significance of street dramas. Realising the need for awareness among the rural population in remote areas of the country, street presentations effectively conveyed a message of transformation and revolution. Yugin Gantabya, Hami Basanta Khojirahechhau and Prashna ra Prashnaharu were renowned street plays which consistently highlighted dissatisfaction towards the ruling regime and the citizens’ dormant desire for radical change.
Another reason why theatre artists seek out politics is to vent their frustration towards political parties. For instance, Gaijatra, a weeklong celebration of humorous acts has been popular among the general audience from the start. Precisely through comical and satirical punch lines, these theatrical works try to uncover the inefficiencies, hidden personal agendas and authority abuse present in politics.
Consequences and challenges
Being a vibrant form of art, the imprint of theatre performances is often deep. To expose the dark and revolutionary aspect of politics is both courageous and sensible. However, when looking into it from the art’s perspective, excessive inclination towards politics might make the exercise irrelevant, going by the dynamically evolving preferences of the audience. Too much overt explanations and expressions of politics in theatres can dilute artistic freedom and the mystical power of storytelling. Scratching old wounds or portraying the neverending power-sharing debacle might not be the expectation of present day audiences, especially when theatre performances are being looked upon as a close substitute for celluloid entertainment. Hence, theatre artists need to understand the theory of diminishing returns before bombarding audiences with direct political presentations in theatres. Sunil Pokhrel’s Rashomon can be taken as a fine example where the director succeeded in maintaining the artistic aspect, along with embedding subliminal political content in the play.
On the other hand, the exponential growth of theatre can attract direct intervention from various political forces. The ability of theatres to transmit messages in a loud and clear manner can lure political parties to use theatrical works as a propaganda and communication tool. This could give birth to proscenium dramas based on manifestos rather than scripts. Therefore, to protect theatres from politics and to present politics through theatre can be equally challenging for theatre artists in the future.
Paudel is a theatre artist at Sarwanam Theatre and an MBA student at Ace Institute of Management
5 Essentially, corruption inflicts two levels of damage to the private sector. At the individual firm level, it raises the cost of doing business and introduces uncertainty, reputational risks and vulnerability to extortion. Corruption also makes access to capital markets more expensive, depresses company valuations and corrodes staff morale. At the environment level, corruption undermines fair competition, leads to lost business opportunities and nurtures corrupt bureaucracies. Definitely, corruption is bad for business; but can we make business bad for corruption?
There are two explanations related to corruption and the private sector. The first is related to supply and demand. If politicians and public officials constitute the demand side of corrupt transactions then the private sector represents the supply side. An effective approach to anti-corruption is to have both demand and supply side interventions. Unfortunately, policymakers and civil society members fail to note the role of the private sector in fighting corruption. If everybody refuses to pay bribes, government officials cannot demand kickbacks and, consequently, there cannot be corrupt transactions.
The second explanation includes identifying whether the private sector is a victim or a perpetrator of corruption. The supply side argument assumes the private sector to be a perpetrator. However, it can also be a victim. One needs to differentiate between victim and perpetrator, for the private sector will cooperate and engage in anti-corruption activities only when they are victims. Therefore, the private sector can be a problem as well as a solution.
On a global level
Irrespective of these arguments, private sector corruption has become a big agenda for debate and discussion at the global level. Corruption has become so pervasive that it is no longer confined to a single nation, territory or society; it has become a global problem. National governments are becoming weaker in dealing with corruption problems emanating from the operation of multinational and transnational companies. To address this global problem, we need global instruments. The introduction of the UN Convention against Corruption (UNCAC) is designed to address this issue. Controlling private sector corruption is one of UNCAC’s tasks. The role of the private sector is mentioned in all fours aspects of an anti-corruption drive prevention, criminalisation and law enforcement, asset recovery and international cooperation.
The Government of Nepal ratified UNCAC in February 2011. To meet UNCAC obligations, the government, in July 2012, drafted an anti-corruption strategy and action plans. Among 15 objectives in the Strategic Plan Document, Objective Number 8 is related to controlling private sector corruption. This is in line with UNCAC obligations.
Realising the immense role of the private sector in combating corruption, in June 2004, UN Global Compact the world’s largest corporate sustainability initiative also included a 10th principle an anti-corruption principle which reads: “Businesses should work against corruption in all its forms, including extortion and bribery.”
Slow awakening
Though, at the beginning, private sector business communities were not very receptive to the 10th principle, there is now a growing realisation that the private sector can and should work to combat corruption, given the growing number of corporate scandals. In the corporate world, even the failure to install adequate anti-corruption mechanisms can become a crime. There are proactive innovations taking place in the corporate world. Microsoft now extends its anti-corruption policy to its supply chain management, implying that it refuses to deal with any company that have not installed anti-corruption measures.
The awakening of the private sector for anti-corruption in Nepal came after the revelation of massive bank defaults by private sector firms in early 2000. The Commission for the Investigation of Abuse of Authority (CIAA) is reportedly flooded with fraud complaints from the banking and cooperative sectors. Now, corporate fraud runs not in the millions but in the billions. Nepal’s public procurement and construction sector, where the private sector is one party to the transaction,
is synonymous with deceit, bribery and corruption. Tender bidding for public contracts is more a problem of security than a matter of financial transactions.
In spite of so much need and obligation to fight private sector corruption, there is total confusion resulting from the CIAA’s constitutional mandate. The Interim Constitution mandates the CIAA to investigate and prosecute corruption crimes only in the public sector. Even the judiciary and Army are excluded from its purview. The law is silent over the mandate of the CIAA and there is confusion over whether the CIAA can or cannot take anti-corruption action against the private
sector. Take the case of illicit enrichment, which is applicable only to
public officials.
The second confusion rests with defining private sector corruption. There can be private to private sector corruption as well. A procurement officer in Company A may be working in collusion with a sales agent from Company B. How would you treat sales commission paid to the sales agent as an incentive or a bribe? How would you handle issues like insider trading, misreporting of company performance, conflict of interest, syndicate and cartelling? Definitely, there are sector specific regulatory laws but these laws were never formulated from the perspective of anti-corruption. The laws are not only inadequate and ambiguous, in many cases but often do not exist at all. Take the provisions related to management disciplinary actions in Nepal’s labour law. As per Article 51, various acts like the embezzlement of enterprise transactions, bribery and leaking of company secrecy are culpable acts. However, the maximum penalty a management can impose is to fire the employee. This is quiet lenient compared to penalty provisions in the public sector.
Not just bribery
Definitely, extortion or chandaa atanka, is a nagging issue faced by the private sector in Nepal. In the wake of the last Constituent Assembly elections, National Business Initiative (NBI) a private sector business NGO specialising in corporate social responsibility drafted a Business Code of Conduct wherein corruption control is listed as part of ethical business. The code forbids businesspeople from giving “any kind of donation, presents or services/facilities to any political person or party with an intention of gain in the future.” Similarly, it promises “not to bribe, give gifts, donations, presents directly or indirectly for earning business and financial advantage.” The business community has also pledged to make transparent any legitimate donations and contributions made to philanthropic organisations. It is interesting to note of a paradoxical situation. While the NBI was busy drafting an ethical business code, the CPN-Maoist party was reported busy categorising Nepal’s business community into various grades like A, B, C and D so that their cadres can raise donations in conformity with their business grade.
The issue of private sector corruption has to be looked at not just from the narrow perspective of business bribery. One needs to go beyond and see the problem from a broader perspective, like conflict of interest and ‘revolving door’ policy. In order to restrict a revolving door policy, the government is proposing a ban on the employment of retired senior civil servants in policymaking positions in the private sector for at least three years. Without the commitment and cooperation of the private sector, this policy cannot be implemented.
Manandhar is a freelance consultant with an interest in corruption and governance issues
7 Today is World Refugee Day and my thoughts turn to 11 year-old Suman Tamang who several weeks ago embarked upon a journey that will undoubtedly change his life forever. Suman is a refugee from Bhutan who recently left Nepal for Toronto, Canada along with his parents and younger brother. Leaving Kathmandu with a few personal belongings, Suman also carried the notoriety of being the 90,000th refugee from Bhutan to be resettled to a third country.
The Tamang family will face many unknowns as they begin a new life in faraway Canada and I am moved by the courage of their decision to leave their home even if that home for the last 22 years was a refugee camp.
Resettlement so far
After generously hosting refugees for 15 years, Nepal’s policymakers also took a courageous and far-reaching decision back in 2007 when they opened the door to resettlement of refugees from Bhutan. At the time, some 108,000 refugees from Bhutan were accommodated some may say
‘warehoused’ in seven refugee camps in eastern Nepal with few prospects for a lasting solution.
The government’s decision to support resettlement became a catalyst for international support, which dramatically turned around a once protracted, seemingly dead-end situation. Eight countries Australia, Canada, Denmark, the Netherlands, New Zealand, Norway, the UK and the US responded to Nepal’s overture and by late 2007, resettlement was under way. Today, five refugee camps have been closed and less than 27,000 refugees remain in two camps.
The majority of the remaining refugees over 23,000 have expressed an interest in resettlement and their files are in various stages of review by UN High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR), the International Organization for Migration (IOM) and the resettlement countries. The commitment of resettlement countries remains strong and so, departures are expected to continue into the future.
Meanwhile, another 3,900 refugees have not expressed an interest in resettlement some may harbour hopes of return to Bhutan while others may wish to remain in Nepal where for some, their lives have become intertwined with Nepalis. Today, we know of over 1,600 refugee men and women who have married Nepalis and almost 2,000 children have been born of these ‘mixed marriages’.
New challenges ahead
The resettlement of refugees from Bhutan has been generally lauded as a success story, though this is not without some unanticipated consequences. Earlier this week, a news report described former refugee camps and the surrounding communities as ‘ghost towns’, underscoring what happens when refugees and their earning and spending power leave the area. The flip side of that coin, however, is that remittances are also flowing back to Nepal from refugees who have been resettled.
As the refugee camp population steadily declines, UNHCR and a small group of dedicated partners are working to maintain basic services in the camps. Economies of scale have been lost in recent years and most sectors are struggling to keep up standards. Education is a case in point.
The latest scores for the School Leaving Certificate (SLC) exams have declined once again only one in 10 eligible refugee students passed. No surprise, when you consider that last year almost 60 percent of the refugee teachers (223) and nearly a third of the student body departed on resettlement. There are no quick fixes for such disruption and high turnover in the classroom but business as usual is not the answer.
Today, all stakeholders with an interest in solutions for refugees from Bhutan are confronted with new and complex challenges, which simply did not exist several years ago. The good news is that the commitment and support of government, donors, resettlement countries and UN and NGO partners remains strong. All stakeholders, however, need to be ready to embrace new approaches and to take new decisions.
While the decision taken in 2007 to launch resettlement has not been a panacea for all refugee problems, it certainly paved the way for refugees like young Suman Tamang and his family to open a new chapter in their lives. That is an important and encouraging lesson to consider as we look at the challenges ahead.
Sanders is UNHCR Representative in Nepal
Since the end of World War II, cooperation has become the new agenda for the modern era. The focus is now on mechanisms for discussions and cooperation. The United Nations has provided a forum for states to come into formal contact with each other. Belief in institutionalism and cooperation is exemplified by the European Union once rival states that struggled for a balance of power amidst security dilemmas now stand as an example high level regional cooperation. In Europe, economic cooperation has triumphed over animosity. The EU has shown that competition can be gradually converted to
cooperation.
Changing definitions
The concept of national security, therefore, has gradually shifted to a much broader definition. Primarily in the Third World, security threats to the state apparatus appear to be frequently internal than external, especially given that many decolonised nations were formed containing substantial linguistic, cultural or ethnic minorities with few ties to the state. Internal underdevelopment and exclusion can be major factors for state disintegration. It is evident that the security strategy of states now requires an internal response ie, through development and social inclusion.
Nepal’s multi-ethnic and multi-lingual nature, along with a highly unstable political system and ranking among the poorest states in the world pose a major threat to its security, rather than any potential external military threat. Therefore, Nepal urgently needs to focus on aspects of development by calculating the maximum benefits it can extract from its two giant neighbouring economies. Nepal possesses great potential to become a bridge between these two nations, given its geostrategic position. An example perhaps can be taken from the landlocked state of Mongolia, which has reaped benefits as a transit state between Russia and China.
Landlocked to land-linking
Nepal’s landlocked nature certainly impedes its competitiveness but a good foreign policy will take advantage of the geostrategic position and strategise the nation’s growth amid such challenges. Much rhetoric has come from political actors in favour of tri-lateral cooperation, from king Birendra to Baburam Bhattarai and Jhala Nath Khanal. Indeed, Nepal must capitalise on its status as a ‘land-linking’ nation and move beyond the victim mindset of seeing itself as ‘landlocked’.
Nepal’s geography means that its trade diversification option with countries besides India and China depend on transit through India, making it difficult and less competitive. Nevertheless, it is fortunate to be located between two giant economies surging ahead rapidly with an average growth rate of 7 percent for the last few decades. Focusing carefully and strategically on Nepal’s two neighbours for a more productive relationship is therefore key to its development. Diversification of relations was relevant during king Mahendra’s time. However, now, it is essential for Nepal to embrace its geographic reality and use it for a strategic and objective end instead of upholding a victim-mindset of being a landlocked state.
A transit state
In spite of Nepal’s core foreign policy, allegedly based on maintaining an equidistant relationship with India and China, the practice remains arguable. Deep cultural ties and commonalities between India and Nepal have made maintaining equidistance more difficult to operationalise. Nepal’s relation with India is marked by a special relationship through the 1950 India-Nepal Treaty of Peace and Friendship, which accords special status to India.
India and China, despite some strained relations due to unresolved territorial disputes, have been brought together through the unprecedented economic growth of their domestic spheres. Their mutual economic interest and need has transformed them into a substantial trading partners China overtook the United States to become India’s biggest trading partner in 2008. The growing trade between these two giant economics in the absence of a permanent and feasible trade corridor seems to have necessitated adopting Nepal as a transit partner.
However, transport remains a major impediment to Sino-India bilateral trade as there is no efficient overland route to connect their geographies. The pass, Nathu-la, which was blocked after the 1962 Sino-India War but re-opened in 2006, is the only current operational trade route. However, standing at above 4,400 metres, the pass is snowy, risky, costly, and far from India’s major industrial hubs. Thus, Nepal holds great potential to become an efficient trade corridor.
Lhasa will soon be connected to mainland China by rail ie, the Lhasa-Shigatse rail link is expected to be completed by 2014. The Shigatse-Tatopani-Kathmandu-Birgunj link would be all of 815 km between India and China while at present, the trade between western China and India requires over 5,000km of rail/road plus sea transport.
There are 27 routes for mutual trade and six immigration points between Indian and Nepal. On the other hand, Nepal and China’s Tibet Autonomous Region have a 1,414 kilometre-long border shared by seven counties Tingkey, Tingri, Naylam, Kyirong, Saga, Drongpa and Purang and bounding 14 of Nepal’s districts Taplejung, Sankhu-wasbha, Solukhumbu, Dolakha, Sindhupalchowk, Rasuwa, Manang, Mustang, Dopla, Mugu, Humla, Bajhang and Darchula.
At present, only the 393 km Birgunj-Kathmandu-Kodari highway serves as a link between India and China that goes through Nepal. Another highway route via Rasuwagadi-Kerun is under construction and hasn’t yet been used for trade purposes.
The shortest potential transit routes between India and China other than the Raxaul-Trishuli-Rasuwa, as proposed by the Division of Roads in 2005, are Janakpur-Dolakha-Lambanagar; Mohana-Dhangadi-Atari-Baitadi-Darchula-Tinker; and Rani-Hile-Kimathanka. The corridors will have more access to the economic centres of Ahmadabad and Mumbai in India than the Tibet-Sikkim transit corridor. These corridors could be pivotal in linking Central Asia, South-west China and South East Asia.
According to the Ministry of Physical Planning and Works, priority has been given to the North-South connection, such as Birgunj-Galchi-Dhunnche-Rasuwagadi, Biratnagar-Kimathanka, Bhittamod-Lamabagar, Bhenighat-Larkey, Bhairahawa-Jomsom-Korala, Nepalgunj-Surkhet-Hilsa and Mahendranagar-Darchula-Tinka. The Birgunj-Safrubesi corridor has been completed and the Rasuwa-Safrubesi corridor (part of the Birgunj-Safrubesi corridor) has also been recently completed with the assistance of the Chinese government.
However, as Nepal’s north, being less developed than the south, requires a stronger focus on infrastructure and connectivity. Moreover, the land-linking project has great potential to usher in development through tourism, transit, taxes, customs and duties, trade, cooperation with both neighbours and cultural proximity among India-China-Nepal. To reap the benefits of being a transit state, Nepal needs to begin constructing its own domestic infrastructure like highways, renovating border cities, communication development, transportation, warehouses for storage and strengthening internal and border administration.
Pandey holds a Masters in International Relations and Political Science from Universidade Fernando Pessoa, Portugal
2 The elements of theatrical presentations are often considered pivotal in engaging and wooing audiences artistically. The directorial ability to connect and transition between scenes, the aesthetics and relevance of the stagecraft and attires, the artists’ ability to do justice to the characters they portray and the aura generated through well-designed lights and music are quintessential. But prior to these, the overall purpose and existence of any theatrical presentation depends upon the story, the plot or the concept, all of which are often used synonymously. Depending upon the creator, the underlying theme of a play can be generated and nurtured in different ways. Portraying noted historical events, fictional creations, issues revolving around the impact of social practices are theatrical reflections that have become generic to Nepali audiences. However, among these, the influence of politics has been omnipresent in most theatrical content.
On stage
Ashesh Malla’s rendition of the modern Mahabharata in Sakuni Pasaharu clearly outlines the internal vulnerability within political forces where power, money and prestige have a centripetal pull. Derived from the eponymous epic religious saga and reengineered through Malla’s own perception of Nepali politics, the play tries to justify the cliché: ‘politics is a dirty game’. Other noted plays like Raktabheej and Bhikchyaam Dehi, both written and directed by Ashesh Malla, also revolve around the undying love for power, its abuse and political and policy level corruptions. The locally adopted and stylised version of Akira Kurosawa’s Rashomon perfomed at Mandala Theatre has in fact opened doors for interpretations of all kinds. Although there were no direct political linkages, fleeting gestures, mimicked voices and unabashed accusations characterised Sunil Pokhrel’s blatant strike against power players. Also, the play’s scheduled staging during a time when the entire nation was glued to the news reports related to truth and reconciliation added another dimension for interpretation.
Similarly, the amount of absurdity and madness witnessed in Coma A political sex, left many audiences scratching their heads. The extreme possibilities of chaos that can evolve in a country lacking a governing constitution was perceived as the subliminal inclinations in Kumar Nagarkoti’s writing. The diversity found in the background and identity of the characters established onstage hinted at parties’ dubious acceleration towards multi-identity federalism. Going beyond the national political turmoil, Coma also comically portrays the darker side of Nepal’s extended neighbour diplomacy. Sometime back, when director Bijya Bishfot staged Ooni Mareka Chhainan, a play based on the true story of a Maoist journalist beaten to death by security forces, the political tint in the content itself had made the presentation prominent. This poignant tale succeeded even in moving a stoic political figure like Mohan Baidya, and even made him shed a few tears, to the amusement of the audiences.
Inspiring elements
Right from the ancient era to the modern day, Nepali theatre and art have captured and expressed the influences of different political setups in society. Legendary playwright Bal Krishna Sama’s Amarsingh and Chunda Nath Bhattarai’s Prithvi Narayan Shah, were noted dramas that reflected the state of affairs back then.
The indispensable attachment of politics to Nepali history has inspired as well as compelled many artists to go after political concerns. The Rana regime, the periodic rise and fall of the monarchy and political transformations though movements are some areas that theatre has directly or indirectly touched upon. Moving on, the 10 year Maoist insurgency induced playwrights to pen many tragic tales from all over the country. Banki Pristha, a widely applauded play staged at Sarwanam, showed the aggravation and pathos of ordinary citizens trapped in between the wars of two opposing forces.
Meanwhile, when we try to correlate politics with theatrical works, we must not overlook the significance of street dramas. Realising the need for awareness among the rural population in remote areas of the country, street presentations effectively conveyed a message of transformation and revolution. Yugin Gantabya, Hami Basanta Khojirahechhau and Prashna ra Prashnaharu were renowned street plays which consistently highlighted dissatisfaction towards the ruling regime and the citizens’ dormant desire for radical change.
Another reason why theatre artists seek out politics is to vent their frustration towards political parties. For instance, Gaijatra, a weeklong celebration of humorous acts has been popular among the general audience from the start. Precisely through comical and satirical punch lines, these theatrical works try to uncover the inefficiencies, hidden personal agendas and authority abuse present in politics.
Consequences and challenges
Being a vibrant form of art, the imprint of theatre performances is often deep. To expose the dark and revolutionary aspect of politics is both courageous and sensible. However, when looking into it from the art’s perspective, excessive inclination towards politics might make the exercise irrelevant, going by the dynamically evolving preferences of the audience. Too much overt explanations and expressions of politics in theatres can dilute artistic freedom and the mystical power of storytelling. Scratching old wounds or portraying the neverending power-sharing debacle might not be the expectation of present day audiences, especially when theatre performances are being looked upon as a close substitute for celluloid entertainment. Hence, theatre artists need to understand the theory of diminishing returns before bombarding audiences with direct political presentations in theatres. Sunil Pokhrel’s Rashomon can be taken as a fine example where the director succeeded in maintaining the artistic aspect, along with embedding subliminal political content in the play.
On the other hand, the exponential growth of theatre can attract direct intervention from various political forces. The ability of theatres to transmit messages in a loud and clear manner can lure political parties to use theatrical works as a propaganda and communication tool. This could give birth to proscenium dramas based on manifestos rather than scripts. Therefore, to protect theatres from politics and to present politics through theatre can be equally challenging for theatre artists in the future.
Paudel is a theatre artist at Sarwanam Theatre and an MBA student at Ace Institute of Management
5 Essentially, corruption inflicts two levels of damage to the private sector. At the individual firm level, it raises the cost of doing business and introduces uncertainty, reputational risks and vulnerability to extortion. Corruption also makes access to capital markets more expensive, depresses company valuations and corrodes staff morale. At the environment level, corruption undermines fair competition, leads to lost business opportunities and nurtures corrupt bureaucracies. Definitely, corruption is bad for business; but can we make business bad for corruption?
There are two explanations related to corruption and the private sector. The first is related to supply and demand. If politicians and public officials constitute the demand side of corrupt transactions then the private sector represents the supply side. An effective approach to anti-corruption is to have both demand and supply side interventions. Unfortunately, policymakers and civil society members fail to note the role of the private sector in fighting corruption. If everybody refuses to pay bribes, government officials cannot demand kickbacks and, consequently, there cannot be corrupt transactions.
The second explanation includes identifying whether the private sector is a victim or a perpetrator of corruption. The supply side argument assumes the private sector to be a perpetrator. However, it can also be a victim. One needs to differentiate between victim and perpetrator, for the private sector will cooperate and engage in anti-corruption activities only when they are victims. Therefore, the private sector can be a problem as well as a solution.
On a global level
Irrespective of these arguments, private sector corruption has become a big agenda for debate and discussion at the global level. Corruption has become so pervasive that it is no longer confined to a single nation, territory or society; it has become a global problem. National governments are becoming weaker in dealing with corruption problems emanating from the operation of multinational and transnational companies. To address this global problem, we need global instruments. The introduction of the UN Convention against Corruption (UNCAC) is designed to address this issue. Controlling private sector corruption is one of UNCAC’s tasks. The role of the private sector is mentioned in all fours aspects of an anti-corruption drive prevention, criminalisation and law enforcement, asset recovery and international cooperation.
The Government of Nepal ratified UNCAC in February 2011. To meet UNCAC obligations, the government, in July 2012, drafted an anti-corruption strategy and action plans. Among 15 objectives in the Strategic Plan Document, Objective Number 8 is related to controlling private sector corruption. This is in line with UNCAC obligations.
Realising the immense role of the private sector in combating corruption, in June 2004, UN Global Compact the world’s largest corporate sustainability initiative also included a 10th principle an anti-corruption principle which reads: “Businesses should work against corruption in all its forms, including extortion and bribery.”
Slow awakening
Though, at the beginning, private sector business communities were not very receptive to the 10th principle, there is now a growing realisation that the private sector can and should work to combat corruption, given the growing number of corporate scandals. In the corporate world, even the failure to install adequate anti-corruption mechanisms can become a crime. There are proactive innovations taking place in the corporate world. Microsoft now extends its anti-corruption policy to its supply chain management, implying that it refuses to deal with any company that have not installed anti-corruption measures.
The awakening of the private sector for anti-corruption in Nepal came after the revelation of massive bank defaults by private sector firms in early 2000. The Commission for the Investigation of Abuse of Authority (CIAA) is reportedly flooded with fraud complaints from the banking and cooperative sectors. Now, corporate fraud runs not in the millions but in the billions. Nepal’s public procurement and construction sector, where the private sector is one party to the transaction,
is synonymous with deceit, bribery and corruption. Tender bidding for public contracts is more a problem of security than a matter of financial transactions.
In spite of so much need and obligation to fight private sector corruption, there is total confusion resulting from the CIAA’s constitutional mandate. The Interim Constitution mandates the CIAA to investigate and prosecute corruption crimes only in the public sector. Even the judiciary and Army are excluded from its purview. The law is silent over the mandate of the CIAA and there is confusion over whether the CIAA can or cannot take anti-corruption action against the private
sector. Take the case of illicit enrichment, which is applicable only to
public officials.
The second confusion rests with defining private sector corruption. There can be private to private sector corruption as well. A procurement officer in Company A may be working in collusion with a sales agent from Company B. How would you treat sales commission paid to the sales agent as an incentive or a bribe? How would you handle issues like insider trading, misreporting of company performance, conflict of interest, syndicate and cartelling? Definitely, there are sector specific regulatory laws but these laws were never formulated from the perspective of anti-corruption. The laws are not only inadequate and ambiguous, in many cases but often do not exist at all. Take the provisions related to management disciplinary actions in Nepal’s labour law. As per Article 51, various acts like the embezzlement of enterprise transactions, bribery and leaking of company secrecy are culpable acts. However, the maximum penalty a management can impose is to fire the employee. This is quiet lenient compared to penalty provisions in the public sector.
Not just bribery
Definitely, extortion or chandaa atanka, is a nagging issue faced by the private sector in Nepal. In the wake of the last Constituent Assembly elections, National Business Initiative (NBI) a private sector business NGO specialising in corporate social responsibility drafted a Business Code of Conduct wherein corruption control is listed as part of ethical business. The code forbids businesspeople from giving “any kind of donation, presents or services/facilities to any political person or party with an intention of gain in the future.” Similarly, it promises “not to bribe, give gifts, donations, presents directly or indirectly for earning business and financial advantage.” The business community has also pledged to make transparent any legitimate donations and contributions made to philanthropic organisations. It is interesting to note of a paradoxical situation. While the NBI was busy drafting an ethical business code, the CPN-Maoist party was reported busy categorising Nepal’s business community into various grades like A, B, C and D so that their cadres can raise donations in conformity with their business grade.
The issue of private sector corruption has to be looked at not just from the narrow perspective of business bribery. One needs to go beyond and see the problem from a broader perspective, like conflict of interest and ‘revolving door’ policy. In order to restrict a revolving door policy, the government is proposing a ban on the employment of retired senior civil servants in policymaking positions in the private sector for at least three years. Without the commitment and cooperation of the private sector, this policy cannot be implemented.
Manandhar is a freelance consultant with an interest in corruption and governance issues
7 Today is World Refugee Day and my thoughts turn to 11 year-old Suman Tamang who several weeks ago embarked upon a journey that will undoubtedly change his life forever. Suman is a refugee from Bhutan who recently left Nepal for Toronto, Canada along with his parents and younger brother. Leaving Kathmandu with a few personal belongings, Suman also carried the notoriety of being the 90,000th refugee from Bhutan to be resettled to a third country.
The Tamang family will face many unknowns as they begin a new life in faraway Canada and I am moved by the courage of their decision to leave their home even if that home for the last 22 years was a refugee camp.
Resettlement so far
After generously hosting refugees for 15 years, Nepal’s policymakers also took a courageous and far-reaching decision back in 2007 when they opened the door to resettlement of refugees from Bhutan. At the time, some 108,000 refugees from Bhutan were accommodated some may say
‘warehoused’ in seven refugee camps in eastern Nepal with few prospects for a lasting solution.
The government’s decision to support resettlement became a catalyst for international support, which dramatically turned around a once protracted, seemingly dead-end situation. Eight countries Australia, Canada, Denmark, the Netherlands, New Zealand, Norway, the UK and the US responded to Nepal’s overture and by late 2007, resettlement was under way. Today, five refugee camps have been closed and less than 27,000 refugees remain in two camps.
The majority of the remaining refugees over 23,000 have expressed an interest in resettlement and their files are in various stages of review by UN High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR), the International Organization for Migration (IOM) and the resettlement countries. The commitment of resettlement countries remains strong and so, departures are expected to continue into the future.
Meanwhile, another 3,900 refugees have not expressed an interest in resettlement some may harbour hopes of return to Bhutan while others may wish to remain in Nepal where for some, their lives have become intertwined with Nepalis. Today, we know of over 1,600 refugee men and women who have married Nepalis and almost 2,000 children have been born of these ‘mixed marriages’.
New challenges ahead
The resettlement of refugees from Bhutan has been generally lauded as a success story, though this is not without some unanticipated consequences. Earlier this week, a news report described former refugee camps and the surrounding communities as ‘ghost towns’, underscoring what happens when refugees and their earning and spending power leave the area. The flip side of that coin, however, is that remittances are also flowing back to Nepal from refugees who have been resettled.
As the refugee camp population steadily declines, UNHCR and a small group of dedicated partners are working to maintain basic services in the camps. Economies of scale have been lost in recent years and most sectors are struggling to keep up standards. Education is a case in point.
The latest scores for the School Leaving Certificate (SLC) exams have declined once again only one in 10 eligible refugee students passed. No surprise, when you consider that last year almost 60 percent of the refugee teachers (223) and nearly a third of the student body departed on resettlement. There are no quick fixes for such disruption and high turnover in the classroom but business as usual is not the answer.
Today, all stakeholders with an interest in solutions for refugees from Bhutan are confronted with new and complex challenges, which simply did not exist several years ago. The good news is that the commitment and support of government, donors, resettlement countries and UN and NGO partners remains strong. All stakeholders, however, need to be ready to embrace new approaches and to take new decisions.
While the decision taken in 2007 to launch resettlement has not been a panacea for all refugee problems, it certainly paved the way for refugees like young Suman Tamang and his family to open a new chapter in their lives. That is an important and encouraging lesson to consider as we look at the challenges ahead.
Sanders is UNHCR Representative in Nepal