A Constructive Approach To Diplomacy:Hira Bahadur Thapa
With the July 20, 2014 deadline approaching fast for concluding a comprehensive agreement to resolve the Iranian nuclear standoff, talks between the concerned parties in Vienna seem more urgent than ever for overcoming the differences that have so far impeded progress.
Ever since the 1980s when the UN’s nuclear watchdog, the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA), expressed doubts about the peaceful intentions of Tehran’s nuclear programme, the world community has raised alarms over the risks involved in the nuclear programme, which outsiders assume Iran’s leadership is inclined to build nuclear weapons under the guise of a civilian nuclear energy programme.
Of all the anxieties shown over the programme, the 2002 IAEA report, questioning the compliance of Iran with international obligations devolved upon it from the Treaty on Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons (NPT), has prompted Iran and global powers like the U.S. and EU to seriously engage in negotiations to explore a peaceful settlement of the nuclear problem.
Negotiations
Following critical reports of the IAEA, alleging Iran of failing to meet its international obligations under the NPT, which is to refrain from seeking or building nuclear weapons, the UN Security Council has punished Tehran by imposing severe economic sanctions. Feeling the pressure of biting sanctions, Iranian leaders have demonstrated their willingness to sit for negotiations with the international community, which is at present represented by the five permanent members of the UN Security Council.
Under the framework of P-5+Germany, several rounds of talks to resolve the Iranian nuclear impasse have taken place so far, and fortunately an interim agreement on the subject was sealed between that group and Iran almost six months ago. That temporary agreement was possible because of the conciliatory approach taken by the new Iranian president, Hasan Rauhani, who since his coming into power following the last election, has signalled to the U.S. that his country is willing to negotiate in good faith for resolving the nuclear issue.
In his widely-quoted opinion piece “Time to Engage”, published by The Washington Post on September 19, 2013, President Hasan Rauhani sounded optimistic. He said, “International politics is no longer a zero-sum game but a multi-dimensional arena where cooperation and competition occur simultaneously. World leaders are expected to lead in treating threats into opportunities.”
With such cooperative gestures displayed by the new leader of Iran, the country has been found meeting its obligations arising from an interim nuclear agreement as follows:
Elimination of its stockpile of higher levels of enriched uranium.
Limitation of the country’s enrichment capability by not installing or starting up additional centrifuges.
Refraining from making further advances at its enrichment facilities and heavy water reactor.
Permission for new and more frequent inspections.
Looking at the above list, one feels that Iran has progressed a lot in assuring the international community that its nuclear programme has civilian purposes only. Nevertheless, the western world has not been fully convinced of Iran’s commitment to match its words with commensurate action.
Echoing such scepticism on the part of Iran in fulfilling its commitment to reassure the world community about Iranian true intentions behind the nuclear programme, U.S. Secretary of State John Kerry has written an article in The Washington Post (June 30, 2014).
In the article “Iranian Nuclear Deal Still is Possible but Time is Running Out”, John Kerry has forewarned to the Iranian leaders that they have two hard choices to make. Either the Iranian leaders assure the world that their nuclear programme will be exclusively peaceful or they can squander a historic opportunity to end Iran’s economic and diplomatic isolation and improve the lives of their people.
Iran, as claimed by John Kerry, can disprove the presumption that it has been secretly building nuclear weapons and establish the proposition that all its nuclear activities are designed to meet civilian needs. But to do so Iran has to take a number of measures to remove the suspicion among the members of the international community that Iran is not intending to fulfill the civilian nuclear requirements only.
In this vein, the American secretary of state has recalled the Geneva Joint Plan of Action (June 24, 2013) concerning the steps that are to be taken to resolve the nuclear imbroglio of Iran. That agreement basically deals with key parts of the Iranian nuclear programme in exchange for temporary relief from some economic sanctions. If implemented in full measure, the above mentioned Joint Plan of Action will constitute a first pause in the country’s nuclear programme in more than a decade. Additionally, the agreement’s implementation will make it virtually impossible for Tehran to build a nuclear weapon without being detected.
This scribe has time and again argued through this paper that any resolution of Iran’s nuclear issue depends on the unhindered exercise of the country’s right to use nuclear energy for peaceful purposes. No doubt that the Treaty on Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons provides all of its members the right to peacefully exploit nuclear energy. Peaceful use of nuclear energy by any member of the NPT is linked to simultaneous obligation on the part of the member to comply with the relevant articles of the treaty. Such articles require the treaty members to refrain from using nuclear fuel and related technology from manufacturing atomic bombs.
Window of opportunity
As Iran’s president has stated that in today’s world both cooperation and competition can go hand in hand, there appears a window of opportunity to resolve the nuclear issue diplomatically. Based on the interim agreement between P-5+Germany and Iran and the subsequent nuclear talks between them since then, we can hope that a constructive approach to diplomacy can produce a comprehensive deal that will stop Iran from building nuclear weapons and lead to the lifting of all UN sanctions as well as multinational and national sanctions imposed on Iran, which will bring prosperity to all.
Demand For CDF Increase Raises Eyebrows :Narayan Upadhyay
With the national budget to be presented in parliament anytime soon, lawmakers from across the different political parties are making a shrill cry for a whopping raise in the constituency development fund (CDF). As against the earlier fixed CDF of Rs. 1 million, this time the lawmakers are demanding Rs. 50 million for each of the 240 constituencies. This fund, according to reports and sources at the Constituent Assembly, is to be utilised solely by the lawmakers for different development programmes in their respective constituencies as per their discretion.
Financial burden
The 50-fold increase in the CDF fund would certainly create a new burden on the exchequer. The government, particularly the Ministry of Finance, has so far rejected any increase in the fund. The rejection by the ministry has raised the ire of many ruling coalition lawmakers of the Nepali Congress and UML, compelling them to organise a joint press meet recently to put pressure on the government.
The lawmakers' demand clearly brings to the fore two conflicting ideas - one supporting the demand of the lawmakers and another rejecting it. The people who support the idea claim that the lawmakers who represent their constituencies must have their say on the development activities taking place in their own constituency.
They say the elected representatives must be allowed to take development programmes such as construction of roads, irrigation, schools, hospitals and other infrastructure, special programmes for the minorities, marginalised and the poor as well as socio-cultural activities in each of the constituencies over a certain period of time so that the ties of the elected representatives with the electorate are further enhanced.
The fund, as demanded by the lawmakers, is necessary to carry out these activities as per the promises made by the lawmakers during election time. Without an increase in the funds, the lawmakers who have been representing their constituencies cannot carry out development works in their constituencies. On the other hand, they also cannot remain aloof from the voters who voted them with the hope that the elected lawmakers would work for the constituencies.
The people who support the idea of a raised CDF say that such government funds are made available to the lawmakers to carry out development works in their respective constituencies in countries like India, Malaysia, the Philippines, Pakistan and several others.
In neighbouring India, where the CDF provision has been in practice since 1993, each lawmaker can select a local development programme for his or her constituency amounting to Rs. 50 million. The same provision was in practice in Nepal from 2001 after the government came up with a special regulation to dole out Rs. 1 million for a lawmaker to carry out development activities based on the recommendation of the local development ministry.
But a 50-fold increase in the CDF fund is raising many eyebrows. The ministry of finance has now accepted the demand. But even if the government is forced into doling out the increased funds, it must first implement a strong monitoring and assessment mechanism.
Only a monitoring mechanism will ensure whether or not the disbursed funds are being utilised properly in the development works in the constituencies. In the past, many programmes and projects at the local level were found to be implemented on paper only. At the same time, many programmes in the constituencies were held violating the provisions mentioned in the CDF regulations. All these activities raise a big question mark on the integrity of the lawmakers.
The lawmakers were accused of utilising the CDF for their personal benefit instead of spending it in development activities. Even if some money was spent on some development programme, they have been found gobbling up a large portion of the fund themselves using fake papers and other unethical methods.
The lawmakers have indeed eroded their reputation and overall image following their demand for government dole-outs. The public anger is likely to rise against them sooner, because at present they have the major task of preparing a constitution for a new Nepal, instead of going for raises in their perks, facilities as well as CDF. At a time when the CA has drawn flak for creating unnecessary burdens on the government's financial health, the demand for an increased CDF would not do good for the lawmakers.
Also while proposing an increase in the CDF, our lawmakers have not adopted a scientific or justifiable method. For example, in the nation's hill and mountain districts, there are fewer constituencies, but more infrastructure such as roads need to be built there. In many thickly inhabitated Terai districts, the number of election constituencies are more but the necessary infrastructure is already in place. Therefore, the blanket release of Rs. 50 million for each constituency for carrying out development works just does not gel well.
Should the government buckle under pressure from the lawmakers who were elected through the first-past-the post method and provide them the funds, this could brew dissatisfaction among the remaining 350 or so lawmakers, who might come up with demands of their own. If this happens, the government will have a huge task tackling the new budgetary challenges.
Some justified demands
But not all of the demands of our lawmakers are groundless and unjustified. The demand for a raise in accommodation and transportation facilities by the lawmakers, several of whom hail from different parts of the nation, appears largely valid. The demand for the safety and security of the women lawmakers too is sound. The government must address these genuine demands, because a lawmaker must give most of his time and energy to the tasks mainly centred on the preparation of the constitution and thus should not be distracted by things like their personal security, housing and transportation facilities.
Trees Of Prosperity:Bhimsen Thapaliya
The Chepangs, a tribal minority that lives on wild roots and fruits in the jungle, live so close to the capital, yet their condition is deplorable. This shows that Nepal is still far from becoming a welfare state, unable to take care of its citizens forced to live in inhuman conditions. Many of these tribal people, living in the remote hills of Dhading and Makwanpur districts, have no citizenship papers and lack access to nutritious food and schools. There are families still living in caves and gathering wild roots and berries for survival.
The plight of this backward minority has changed little despite the efforts of some government agencies as well as non-government organisations. The life of these people is so deeply rooted in superstitious beliefs that the spoon feed approach of these agencies is having negligent impact. Besides, there are people who try to take advantage of their ignorance, poverty and backwardness. Some clever people exploit their labour by paying wages that barely help make ends meet. Poachers use them to kill rhinos in the Chitwan National Park for a few hundred rupees.
The Chepangs belong to the forest, and they have been using the jungle's resources for ages to eke out a living. In order to change the lives of the Chepangs for the better, one has to come up with approaches that are designed to suit the reality of their life in the jungle. Their economic status can be improved only if there is a way to use the natural resources while ensuring forest conservation. By definition, conservation is neither the use of natural resources in a destructive way nor a complete ban on them. One has to devise a middle path that is sustainable.
One such method is to the management of leasehold forestry, which has reportedly proved a boon for this community in Makwanpur district. Under this scheme, the government leases out the forests to the local communities for a fixed period of time. The local users use the jungle resources to meet their needs and also take the guardianship to ensure that deforestation does not happen.
The Makwanpur model has involved local Chepang farmers to cultivate cash crops in order to boost their income. The farming of bananas, broomsticks and lemon in the area has helped to boost the income of the people. The Chepang people, who were earlier displaced by floods and landslides at different places, are now managing the leasehold forests in areas like Raksirang, Sarikhet, Kalikatar and Bharta.
One benefit forest conservation has had is in livestock farming. The poor Chepang farmers have raised their income from livestock, especially goat raising. Bananas, brooms, lemon and pineapple are the cash crops that have helped the people come out of the long cycle of poverty.
The leasehold forest scheme has not only improved the livelihood of the Chepang minority but also brought about desirable environmental results. The once denuded lands have turned lush, and the enriched green cover has helped to tame natural calamities like soil erosion, landslides and desertification.
Review, Research And Reform:Thaneshwar Bhusal
During a roundtable talk organised recently in Kathmandu, vice-chair of the National Planning Commission reiterated the need to review, research and reform our bureaucracy. According to him, the Nepalese bureaucracy severely lacks competency in terms of accepting the private sector as well as spending public money in big projects, mainly in the infrastructure sector. On the one hand, this underlines the extent of our bureaucratic rigidity on the institutional as well as behavioural front. On the other hand, these arguments demand a review of the mandate of the civil service based on scientific research so that appropriate reform measures can be taken in time.
Public sector reforms
To test the mindset of the existing bureaucrats so as to understand whether they are friendly to the private sector, it is important to go back to our administrative reform initiatives that were envisaged after the political changes in the 1990s. Just as the global public management reform movements at the beginning of the 1990s, the Nepalese public sector reforms in the 1990s were also introducing at least some of the characteristics of new public management, including privatisation, for instance. Other attributes of new public management such as the performance contract were, however, seriously neglected in practice though the provision was well codified in the proceeding legislation.
Even two decades after the introduction of the administrative reforms, the lens of looking at the private sector has not changed. Instead, the involvement of the private sector in public sector management is misinterpreted and thereby leading the overall civil service towards corruption.
The second line of argument is rather on the competency aspect of the civil servants. As the vice-chair has called for the need to assess the ability of the civil servants to understand and thereby build up the capacity to manage public money in investment ventures, we must reform the current rules and regulations. Without robust reforms in the principles of hiring and firing senior level positions, the government will continue to be working with those people who, in the vice-chair’s words, are unfriendly towards understanding the importance of big investment.
If we look at the red books of the National Planning Commission and Ministry of Finance, we see millions of rupees being allocated for research in different sectors. But in reality, the implementation of research projects is rather upsetting. Many of the research projects are implemented as if they were meant to produce a thesis for a Bachelor’s degree. Regardless of good intention whilst allocating budget for research in the public sector, public managers who lead the research projects simply do not seem to have adequate knowledge about research projects.
This circumstance drives one to ponder over not only ‘why’ we need research projects, but also ‘how’ they should be implemented. The pragmatic options could of two-fold: either the government should create some senior level positions as researchers and have them in all the sectors, or it could form a separate institution by merging all the research entities. The first option, if managed properly, could result in having specialised researchers in all the ministries. In the long run, these researchers could become sectoral experts, and the government could use them whenever sectoral reform measures are needed.
The second option, however, could be difficult to implement, but should it occur, it could strengthen our bureaucracy. The existing institutions of research, for example the Health Research Council, Nepal Agriculture Research Council or the Centre for Policy Analysis, to name but a few, would be the institutions worth amalgamating. Under the jurisdiction of a new research entity, several policy specific units could be established so that sectoral researchers could perform independently. Appropriation of budget to such a new institution would be worth allocating and the outcome could be easily evaluated.
Nepal’s administrative reform initiatives are rarely praised for whatever outcome they might have produced. There are many political and administrative reasons why the reforms are ridiculed. Politically, reform programmes appear as a revolution and disappear without any significant implications. Administratively, the implementers often demonstrate great enthusiasm and after sometime, they tend to abandon the reform programmes because (i) they do not get any support both from within and outside the system, (ii) they are discouraged from leading them, (iii) the new government usually displays reluctance in implementing the reform measures of their predecessors.
A rather heuristic approach to reform therefore is to institutionalise the reform programmes as soon as possible so as to avoid chances of being abandoned. The sooner the reforms are institutionalised, the more the chances for continuation.
One perfect example of this is the Hello Sarkar unit at the Office of the Prime Minister and Council of Ministers. It would be a different context to ask how much impact Hello Sarkar has had in the public sector, but the obvious fact is that it has been well institutionalised and therefore continues even after the changes in the government.
Power to NPC
As the vice-chair is concerned about the reforms, the government should introduce some robust reforms to bring changes in the existing bureaucratic system, working procedures, structure and culture. In achieving this end, initiating reforms such as the Administrative Reform Commission/Committees or projects will not be sufficient. The National Planning Commission should be given the power to recommend the best reform measures.
(The author is a pursuing his PhD at the ANZSIG (Institute of Governance and Policy Analysis), University of Canberra, ACT, Australia)
Good Planning Is Never Late:Prem Khatry
Today the world is moving toward urban life. The pace may differ from place to place, region to region or country to country. Or, one might be a bit more objective and say from level of economy to economy. But the move is certainly towards an urban setting, urban planning and urban culture. By the middle of the century, a large portion of the world population will be fully merged into an urban setting, enjoying the amenities of life.
It will take time and concerted effort to put our own city, Kathmandu, the capital of Nepal, in the world urban arena with some important urban features in place. Gradually, other cities that we have named 'metropolitan' will also emerge in the arena. We can also say that we are already there as we have a large portion of the nation's population now inhabiting the city, actively contributing to the growth of the city and its functions. What is lacking though is good planning for the city's future, for the city's march towards a world-class status.
Back in the 11th and 12th centuries, the city fathers, the government and people had a clear vision of the city - mahanagara - from the standard that was there. There were streets, lanes, by-lanes, squares, open spaces, religious and cultural spaces and facilities for the city dwellers. People were using pure drinking water, clean air and healthy foodstuffs and a well-managed government. People were satisfied and this was important.
Haphazard growth
Compared to what was there at a time when resources were limited and so were the amenities, we live in a totally different world. If approached properly, resources can now arrive within a matter of days or even hours, and we are enjoying it through our city fathers and the government. But the main problem in our city now is that we have very haphazard growth without proper planning and implementation of viable as well as important measures to make Kathmandu look better.
Internal political and administrative factors as well several external factors are responsible for the lack of proper growth, carrying capacity and sustainability of our cities - Kathmandu being the foremost example of mismanagement. Take the external factor first. Even for a short task like a passport or court-related sojourn, people have to come to Kathmandu from all the 75 districts, or literally from all the 4,000 VDCs. The line never stops - it is an eternal phenomenon. It is said when cities are having an extra number of mouths to feed and their growth is unabated, our villages are emptying gradually and at a faster rate.
People migrate to the cities for better opportunities, and this is a universal phenomenon. But the host city has to be aware of this situation and improve its carrying capacity. Kathmandu has been a sure destination of many youths, others as our development has always been lopsided - much less development planning and resources trickle down to the rural, remote and distant lands. This was true yesterday, more so today.
The greatest effect of unplanned growth and lack of proper planning in the distribution of facilities has had a direct bearing on the city dwellers' health. At this time of compiling this write-up, one popular FM is informing the listeners that a lot of poisonous green vegetables are arriving and being distributed from the Kalimati vegetable bazaar. This is no new information. The Kathmandu dwellers are consuming poison in the form of vegetables, fruits, water and other consumer goods. That is now a normal scenario with an abnormal impact on health.
Now the question is: where do people ultimately end up with a host of malaises? Or is that place safe, either? The answer is: a sure and certain 'No'. Just take a ride on the Ring Road. Start from the Bagmati-Balkhu confluence on the Kirtipur Road where there is one expensive and new hospital. Stay on the road and go to Gongabu, continue to Basundhara, Chabel, Koteshwar and observe carefully. All hospitals, clinics, research centres suffer from dust, noise, air, water and other forms of acute pollution. It looks like the Nepal Medical Council issues license without looking at the location of the service providers.
The government does not have a regulation and a corps of supervisors to look after the vulnerable situation caused by the health agencies themselves. We remember how once lack of such staff members in the health services department had caused problems in dealing with the rotten medicines in the stores in the city. It is hard to believe that our doctors play with the health of their patients for the sake of material gain, and the city fathers (now in the absence of elected authorities) tend to ignore the factors that play a role in maintaining or destroying the health of the city dwellers.
Will the heaven fall on us if the government encourages the newly started hospitals to go to the edge of the city near the forests, open spaces, clean air and water and away from the dust and noise? Won't these locations add to the life of the sick people and the credibility of the curers? And there are still plenty of such places in the good old Valley of Kathmandu. It is only a matter of looking for your own comfort against the patients' pain and making it more painful for them to bear. In fact, if our hospitals, schools and colleges make a move toward the edges of the valley and breathe, eat and drink pure, life would be different there and here, too. The question is: after all, who will bell the cat?
Time-consuming task
Finally, city planning is a task - tough and time consuming. And if you don’t begin it on time, you do not go very far. Kathmandu has been a brilliant example of how mismanagement can go to any direction. Whether garbage deposit or water supply, road expansion or road quality, traffic jam or road accident, Kathmandu has always struggled to show its urban face with urban amenities and problem solving mechanisms in place. The city administrators cannot lose time in planning the city better at a time when popularly elected city fathers are still to be born.
Land Degradation, A Growing Issue:Ashmita Rawal
Serious problems plague the farmers of Nepal. One of them is land degradation, which is the removal of materials from upstream to downstream through weathering, mass wasting and erosion. The main problem with land degradation is that it leads to siltation and sedimentation.
The Terai region mainly suffers from degradation of the Siwalik, the weakest and youngest mountain range in terms of geology. The Siwalik is represented by soft, loose and easily erodible soil. Hence the region faces devastating floods and drought. The common types of mass movement in the Siwalik are gully erosion, mud flow, slumping, toppling and rock fall.
The Terai has also experienced massive deforestation since the control of malaria there. Except for the protected forests, almost the entire Terai region is cultivated. This has also increased flooding, soil erosion and mass wasting of the soils of the Terai.
In the hills, farmers engage in terrace farming due to the sloping landscape. But the farmers are still uneducated and use obsolete methods of farming. Shifting cultivation is one among those methods. In shifting cultivation, farmers grow vegetation on one land, and after harvesting they leave the land and shift to another land, leaving the previous land bare. This leads to soil denudation and gradually degrades the land quality through erosion.
In recent years, Nepal’s population has increased manifold. The land is limited, but the population has been increasing geometrically. This has led to land fragmentation. Thus, water penetrates into the land fragments, which exert enormous water pressure, causing huge slumps and mud flows.
When many people live in a certain locality, pollution is high. Acid rain, which is caused by pollution, also increases the frequency of sliding as it fast saturates the soft rock.
Nepal's land is not classified based on capability. Low quality land is also used for cultivation and grazing although they lead to degradation. The Soil Conservation and Watershed Management (SCWM) Act allows limitations to be placed on land use. But the SCWM act and regulations are difficult to enforce strictly on private land.
Land use planning programmes are a must to improve the degraded watershed, to improve land quality and ultimately to improve people's livelihood. Awareness should be raised through extension programmes to the community members by forming user groups, model farmers at the local level to disseminate information and technology and to motivate them to participate in SCWM activities. Different income generating activities like mushroom cultivation, bamboo and plantation should be encouraged on their lands.
On degraded lands, management activities based on critical sub-watershed prioritisation, appropriate agricultural practices, such as the Sloping Agricultural Land Technology (SALT) that is cost effective and simple, and leasehold forestry should be introduced to minimise shifting cultivation and improve the livelihood of the people through agro-forestry practices.
Improving the terraces, slope correction, grazing management should be practiced to stabilise the degraded land. Gully treatment, torrent control, stream bank protection are to be done under the natural hazard prevention programme. New canals need to be constructed and irrigational facilities drastically improved. This also helps to regulate the runoff and check flooding.
Land degradation is an issue which must be seriously looked into. The government should leave no stone unturned to protect our land. Every citizen should look into the problem as a process. The land is our heritage; we should protect and preserve it by using it properly.
World With Superpowers:P. Kharel
Ukraine’s recent process of disintegration has been received with great concern in the United States and its allies in the European Union. Crimea, with overwhelming popular support, voted for integration with Russia. Other regions, which like Crimea have a strong presence of people of Russian origin, are also asserting their right to self-determination to emulate Crimea. US-EU threats and actual measures of sanctions against Russia and some of its leaders for endorsing the Crimean overture have not made President Vladimir Putin reverse the Crimean merger.
Almost 25 years ago, the Soviet Union had broken up. It had generated excessive euphoria in the Western world as it proclaimed the end of the Cold War and the existence of only one superpower, i.e. the United States. The Soviet Union’s disintegration had direct bearings on the world’s first communist country’s satellite states in Eastern Europe that got liberated from communist rule directed from Moscow.
For nearly 20 years, there seemed to be only one superpower. The last few years give a different indication. The world is back to a balance of power whereby no single power player monopolises superpower status and falls into the pit of power monopoly to have its way around any which way it chooses.
Inevitable
Vladimir Putin’s Russia is nowhere near the status the Soviet Union once had. But it is now distinctly a superpower, even if a far second to the United States. The Soviet Union and China did not have the best of relations not long after the 1949 communist takeover in Beijing. In the new millennium, things have shifted and changed dramatically between these two neighbouring powers. The two countries have buried many of their earlier differences and have given concrete demonstrations of willingness to work together for economic gains and their strategic interests vis a vis the “only superpower” and its allies in the EU.
Syria serves as a case in point. Sino-Russian rapport is the cause that prevented a Western-led intervention in Syria aimed at toppling President Bashar al-Asaad. France wanted to do a Libya on Syria but backed out early when Washington and London suggested to French President Francois Hollande to withhold the plan of military intervention which they themselves had encouraged earlier.
The sudden shift in strategy occurred when Moscow made it explicitly clear that direct outside intervention in that oil rich country would not be welcome. It also delivered sophisticated air defence missiles to Damascus. Beijing discreetly let Washington and Paris know that it was behind Moscow on this. Once the message was put across fine and firmly, the European fronts for the US withheld their preparations for action against Damascus.
The pattern of foreign interventions whose sponsors want regime change or secession is to mobilise “civil society” and “human rights” groups. It is by now all too familiar. If this does not work, “threats to national interests” are given out as reasons for intervention. US-led interventions in Iraq and Afghanistan are of this mode.
Just as Iraq under Saddam Hussein was attacked on the charge that he was about to unleash weapons of mass destruction, the alleged use of chemical weapons by Assad was the unsubstantiated ruse brewed as justification for French-led military action, with Washington’s full approval even if not visibly a participant in action.
The West had persisted with its claim that Saddam Hussein in Iraq possessed weapons of mass destruction even when different quarters questioned it seriously. Various public opinion polls in the US and Britain had suggested that interventions be made only with the endorsement of the United Nations. However, the UN was ignored when military interventions were set in motion.
Afghanistan, Iraq and Libya are valuable textbooks for the study of international events in the so-called post-Cold War years. Covert support from outside to local groups is a method used so often that it no longer remains a secret. East Timor, Sudan, Sri Lanka, among others, can also be seen in this light. The long dead Arab Spring and its effects are also ample food for thought.
Where does Russia figure then? It has emerged as a superpower that enables the world to maintain a degree of balance of power. The Cold War, according to Western scholars and their ilk, ended with the Soviet disintegration. However, arms sales have not declined. The most deadly and largest exports of weapons originate in the West. The United Nations has been ignored by the big powers whenever they cannot draw the required support in the world body for their plans and interventions.
Russia’s economic and diplomatic ties with China have developed in the Putin years faster than at any time in the previous four decades, although one is a multiparty polity and the other the oldest existing one-party communist state. China, the world’s most populous nation, has made rapid economic strides unthinkable for it prior to the 1980s. The US-EU block on the one hand, and Sino-Russian rapport and cooperation on the other will make a highly interesting course of study in the ensuing times.
Some analysts point to the ups and downs in Sino-Russian history. These are also the analysts who never mention that Afghanistan has a record of always repelling, defeating and eventually evicting all foreign invaders from its soil. Yet, in the last 35 years alone, foreign players have ignored and suffered from indifference to past records. Germany and Italy, during World Wars I and II, were diametrically different from what they are nearly 70 years later when it comes to their relationships with, among others, Britain, France and the US.
Counterweight
Beijing and Moscow were never so close as in the new millennium. The resources they have and the economic potential and positions they possess make the two UN Security Council veto powers formidable forces, individually and as allies.
The US army is stationed in different parts of the world, ostensibly to serve American security interests and world peace. American troops have been stationed in countries like Japan, the Philippines and South Korea since several decades in its relentless march for retaining and expanding influence over other countries and regions. In contrast, the presence of Russian troops beyond the neighbourhood is virtually absent. China’s record is even better on this score.
Concerning Syria, Russia's message to the “international community” consisting of basically the West is clear: An effectively counterweight to the US-EU block has emerged firmly and with determination not to be a silent witness to the events of global importance being created and controlled by a monopolist alliance.
UML's 9th Convention Leadership Row Overshadows Policy Debate:Nandalal Tiwari
Instead of holding debate on what policies the party should take to end the elongated political transition, the ninth national congress of the CPN (UML), the second largest party in the Constituent Assembly (CA), is more focussed on who should be the party's chairman. The mutually belittling remarks against each other by the two rival leaders for the party's top post have not only harmed the overall stature of the party, but also diminished the importance of the convention as if it is meant solely for changing the guard of the party and not the guidance, that is the policy or ideology.
Battle for post only
Since there is not much debate on ideology and no difference in the policy between Madhav Kumar Nepal and KP Sharma Oli - the two UML leaders who have announced their candidacy for the chairmanship - the convention is going to be meaningful only with respect to who will bag the top post. In this sense, the convention will be of great interest only to the rival factions than to the UML's supporters, well-wishers and common people.
Certainly, the national congress of any political party is also a battle for the top post. But along with that, in some parties in Nepal, we also see heated debate on ideology, especially in the communist parties. But the UML has the luxury of pointing at the People's Multiparty Democracy (PMD) as its basic guiding principle or policy.
The PMD was formulated more than two decades back by the then general secretary, Madan Bhandari. Since then the political landscape of the country has changed drastically, but the UML has been carrying the same set of ideas inked when the constitutional monarchy was there and multi-party democracy had just been reinstated.
It is not that the UML has not come up with any new policies in this convention. Incumbent chairman Jhala Nath Khanal has made it clear in his political report tabled at the convention that the party would adopt a policy of cooperation with the Nepali Congress, the largest party in the CA, until the new constitution is promulgated. He has also declared that the political revolution has been complete and that there is now a need for socio-economic transformation.
Given the present situation that demands cooperation among all the political parties for constitution writing, the UML's policy to have a working alliance with the NC is the need of the hour, not any novel policy to end the political transition. He has also given due importance to bringing the political forces outside the CA on board the constitution-writing process. This is something all the parties in the CA have been harping repeatedly.
To say that the political revolution has been complete without promulgation of the new constitution is immature. Even if the political revolution means setting up of the republican system, this new system has yet to be institutionalised by the new constitution although practically it has been institutionalised by the interim constitution.
Moreover, there is the toughest issue, federalism, to settle. And if this issue that failed the first CA is not resolved in a manner that satisfies all the political and social forces, the republican system could also be questioned. We already have parties which want to reinstate the monarchy, and they have gained more votes in the latest election than before.
The most important thing about the UML convention is that it has been successful in putting the democratic process into practice. The party's delegates came through an internal election, not by selection, nomination or hand-picking. As in the eighth convention, an election is likely to be held to elect the chairman and other office bearers of the party. This practice in the UML can be credited for promoting a democratic culture in the country.
What the UML has missed is an analysis of its contribution to uplifting the living conditions of the working class people. The party has not assessed any of its policies that influenced state policy in the interest of the class for which it claims to be working.
Presently, the UML leadership is of one voice that Nepal is no longer a semi-feudal or semi-colonial state. The party is likely to endorse that the capitalist revolution is over and there is a need to move the country to socialism. But here is a question: if Nepal was a semi-colonial state some 20 years back, how come it is not so now? Has there been an amendment in the treaties such as the 1950 treaty with India and treaties with other countries that may have been unequal? If not, what was the basis to term Nepal a semi-colonial state then and what is the new basis for saying that it is no longer so?
Moreover, the UML, especially the delegates to the ninth general convention, should ponder over what real influence the UML has had on the national economic policies in creating better conditions for the proletariat. If they do so, they will find that their party has always supported the NC's economic policies, which means the NC is the sole political party shaping the country's economic policies.
The UML should come up with a concrete policy to have a working alliance with the political forces for the sake of the working class. This is a much needed policy for all the parties that call them communists. As the UML claims to be the mainstream and liberal communist party, it should come up with ideas to bring all the communist parties under its umbrella.
Economic policies
But for that, it should present specific economic policies. For instance, it has presented a specific policy for demarcating the country into seven federal states with mixed identity. Will this bring changes in the lives of the poor people and also contribute to the overall development of the country? This responsibility lies with the UML delegates because they can compel the leaders to do so in the national congress.
Dealing With Anger:Nirajan Pudasaini
Anger is a normal human emotion. One gets angry when things go against one's expectation. Generally anger is a healthy reaction, but when it goes out of control it turns destructive. Anger causes problems in one’s personal and social relationship. Excessive anger ruins the overall quality of life. That’s why anger control is a must. Dealing properly with anger can prevent one from possible bad consequences.
Gautam Buddha once said, “Holding on to anger is like grasping a hot coal with the intent of throwing it at someone else; you are the one who gets burned.” According to him, anger is a normal thing which we should erase from our mind as soon as possible. The more it resides in our mind, the more self-destruction will occur. Buddhist textbooks suggest eight different ways to curb anger.
In a recent football match between Portugal and Germany, Pepe, the Portuguese defender, had to leave the football ground just 37 minutes after the match began as he was given a red card for failing to control his anger and butting German forward Thomas Mueller on the head. Had he controlled his anger, Portugal wouldn’t have had to play with one man down for the rest of the game, and it would probably have changed the final score, too. Because of a single player’s anger, the rest of the squad and all supporters had to suffer as the game ended in a humiliating 4-0 win by Germany.
Some people are angry by birth. We can see some babies who are easily angered, touchy and irritable. This type of anger is inherited. The socio-cultural environment is another cause of anger amongst numerous people. The family background plays a major role in building one's emotional and psychological state.
The range of anger differs from person to person. The way they deal with it also differs. Some people get angry more quickly than others. Some people show their anger without a thought for others while some hide their anger. Whatever be the type, anger causes only harm. One who hides his anger will face more psychological problems than one who expresses it.
If one gets hyper angry frequently, proper counselling is needed in order to restore a calm emotional state. For others, some simple exercises, relaxation techniques and adequate thinking before expressing anger works better in controlling it.
According to Thomas Jefferson, America's third president, one should count to ten before speaking when s/he is angry. If very angry, s/he should count to one hundred. The main point here is thinking before doing anything in anger. We should give time for our brain to think before we do something bad in anger.
Anger should be expressed once we become calm. It’s better if we express anger in a different way like a smile or a laugh. It is popularly known as laughing therapy. Relaxation skills like yoga, deep breathing exercises or use of calming words make it easy to control anger.
“To be angry is to revenge the faults of others on ourselves,” said Alexander Pope. So, we need to learn not to be angry, and in cases where we get angry we shouldn’t let it reside inside ourselves for a long time. We need to learn to control anger. Otherwise it will surely control us.
UML’s Ninth Convention Cadres Must Fight Against Neo-feudalism:Ritu Raj Subedi
It is a matter open to dispute - whether the ongoing ninth general convention of the Communist Party of Nepal-Unified Marxist Leninist (CPN-UML) is the continuity of the first convention of undivided CPN held in Lalitpur on January 26, 1954. But, what all agree is a marked contrast between the two historic moments. At that time, the country had already seen the light of democracy but the CPN was banned for its alleged involvement in the political adventure of Dr K. I. Singh, who briefly captured Singha Durbar and then fled the country to take shelter in China. The CPN was compelled to hold convention underground to avoid the prying eyes of the security forces. Its main topic of discussion was whether to accept constitutional monarchy or give continuity to republicanism. Many communist leaders were impatient to remove the ban on the CPN so they stood for constitutional monarchy, hoping that the government would stop outlawing their party. The republican line, adopted by Pushpa Lal, fell in minority. But, the government of Tanka Prasad Acharya was simply not ready to lift the ban just because the CPN recognised the constitutional king. It resorted to other manoeuvres to exert pressure on the government. King Tribhuvan had just passed away and Mahendra was declared the new king but the coronation ceremony was yet to take place. The CPN threatened to launch a nationwide satyagraha (civil disobedience) on the day of coronation if the ban was not lifted. This tactic finally worked and the ban was lifted on condition that CPN should carry out its activities peacefully. Even if the CPN succeeded to be legitimate political force in its formative years, the party plunged in perennial struggle of two lines: To support constitutional monarchy or fight for the republican system. This dispute sapped the energy and confidence of CPN for decades until this chapter closed following the abolition of monarchy in 2008.
Ideological debate
The CPN-UML is holding its ninth convention in a free democratic environment. No sword of Damocles hangs over its head. This is the biggest achievement of the Nepalese communist movement since it started some 65 years ago. The CPN was born in the dark feudal rule of Ranas and therefore its primary goal was to do away with that system. Today the communist parties are saying that feudal production relations were no longer in existence and now their mission is to embark on the economic revolution to create a just, fair and inclusive society. The UML jamboree takes place in the midst of the political and ideological metamorphoses. This is the first time that any party in Nepal organised an intense and broad debate to settle the ideological issue. Such a debate holds potential to energize the party even if, for some, the debate whether the country is in feudal state or has entered a capitalistic phase appears to be hogwash. This debate seeks to strengthen inner-party democracy and provides impetus to maintain order and discipline. However, such an intellectual enterprise is not without the risk of intensifying the factional campaign to grab the leadership mantle as seen in the convention of the largest communist force of the country.
It is sad to note that the cut and thrust ofideological debate failed to check the flurry of distasteful invectives that both the sides are trading against each other. The UML big shots boast of forging a consensus on ideology but the dispute as to who is the successor of this ideology remains unresolved. The onus to sort out this vital dispute has fallen on the shoulders of over 2,300 convention representatives. The main thrust of ideological document of the party is that Nepal is no longer a semi-feudal and semi-colonial nation but a capitalistic one and it should embark on the socialistic construction. Madhav Kumar Nepal and KP Sharma Oli, who are now in contest for the post of chairmanship, are claiming themselves to be the true heir to the party’s ideology in different ways. The Nepal faction argues that an individual, whose ideology is endorsed in the party, will also have legitimate right to lead it. His supporters argue that since the party has given thumbs up to the ideology presented by the Thought Group under Nepal, he should be its natural leader as per the tradition of the communist parties. In addition to it, Nepal acolytes insist that he has a clean image, power of persuasion and coordination among the parties on the national stage. He is active, hard-working, honest and popular among the cadres and people, and has a cream team of youths behind him. But, the Oli group offers not a less strong argument in his support. They say it is Oli, who contributed to the enhancement of People’s Multiparty Democracy (PMD), a guiding principle of the party. His documents, presented in the fifth and sixth convention, have played an important role in the ideological evolution of the PMD. He constantly stood by the party’s ideology and checked the party from deviating towards ultra-left and rightist direction. Oli gave a voice to those victimised by the Maoist brutality when the political parties were intimidated and the voice of the civil society was muzzled.
Economic vision
It is beyond doubt that the UML had played an important role to bring the Nepali Congress to the republican path and UCPN-M to the democratic one, and thereby usher in the era of democratic republic. Despite its on and off opportunistic behaviours, the UML has performed an impressive balancing act in the national politics. However, people have little interest on whether the nation has graduated to capitalism or still is in feudalism. This seems to be a futile intellectual debate for many people hit hard by the high inflation, joblessness and grinding poverty. The abstract discourse holds little appeal for them. Today much fertile land in the country is left barren as hundreds of thousands of Nepalese youths are sweating in the desert for just a little amount of salary. The convention should be able to carve out an economic vision to develop agriculture sector for the creation of employment at home. The party, its leaders and full-time cadres live on the donations from business people, which have in turn contributed to the spiralling of the prices of essential goods and the widespread corruption. The party’s cadres must learn to be self-reliant economically and ethically. Even if feudalism has vanished from the society theoretically, new form of feudalism has crept in the acts and conduct of the communist leaders. Therefore, the enlightened cadres need to wage a relentless struggle inside the party to get rid of the neo-feudalistic mindset deeply entrenched in their political overlords.
With the July 20, 2014 deadline approaching fast for concluding a comprehensive agreement to resolve the Iranian nuclear standoff, talks between the concerned parties in Vienna seem more urgent than ever for overcoming the differences that have so far impeded progress.
Ever since the 1980s when the UN’s nuclear watchdog, the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA), expressed doubts about the peaceful intentions of Tehran’s nuclear programme, the world community has raised alarms over the risks involved in the nuclear programme, which outsiders assume Iran’s leadership is inclined to build nuclear weapons under the guise of a civilian nuclear energy programme.
Of all the anxieties shown over the programme, the 2002 IAEA report, questioning the compliance of Iran with international obligations devolved upon it from the Treaty on Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons (NPT), has prompted Iran and global powers like the U.S. and EU to seriously engage in negotiations to explore a peaceful settlement of the nuclear problem.
Negotiations
Following critical reports of the IAEA, alleging Iran of failing to meet its international obligations under the NPT, which is to refrain from seeking or building nuclear weapons, the UN Security Council has punished Tehran by imposing severe economic sanctions. Feeling the pressure of biting sanctions, Iranian leaders have demonstrated their willingness to sit for negotiations with the international community, which is at present represented by the five permanent members of the UN Security Council.
Under the framework of P-5+Germany, several rounds of talks to resolve the Iranian nuclear impasse have taken place so far, and fortunately an interim agreement on the subject was sealed between that group and Iran almost six months ago. That temporary agreement was possible because of the conciliatory approach taken by the new Iranian president, Hasan Rauhani, who since his coming into power following the last election, has signalled to the U.S. that his country is willing to negotiate in good faith for resolving the nuclear issue.
In his widely-quoted opinion piece “Time to Engage”, published by The Washington Post on September 19, 2013, President Hasan Rauhani sounded optimistic. He said, “International politics is no longer a zero-sum game but a multi-dimensional arena where cooperation and competition occur simultaneously. World leaders are expected to lead in treating threats into opportunities.”
With such cooperative gestures displayed by the new leader of Iran, the country has been found meeting its obligations arising from an interim nuclear agreement as follows:
Elimination of its stockpile of higher levels of enriched uranium.
Limitation of the country’s enrichment capability by not installing or starting up additional centrifuges.
Refraining from making further advances at its enrichment facilities and heavy water reactor.
Permission for new and more frequent inspections.
Looking at the above list, one feels that Iran has progressed a lot in assuring the international community that its nuclear programme has civilian purposes only. Nevertheless, the western world has not been fully convinced of Iran’s commitment to match its words with commensurate action.
Echoing such scepticism on the part of Iran in fulfilling its commitment to reassure the world community about Iranian true intentions behind the nuclear programme, U.S. Secretary of State John Kerry has written an article in The Washington Post (June 30, 2014).
In the article “Iranian Nuclear Deal Still is Possible but Time is Running Out”, John Kerry has forewarned to the Iranian leaders that they have two hard choices to make. Either the Iranian leaders assure the world that their nuclear programme will be exclusively peaceful or they can squander a historic opportunity to end Iran’s economic and diplomatic isolation and improve the lives of their people.
Iran, as claimed by John Kerry, can disprove the presumption that it has been secretly building nuclear weapons and establish the proposition that all its nuclear activities are designed to meet civilian needs. But to do so Iran has to take a number of measures to remove the suspicion among the members of the international community that Iran is not intending to fulfill the civilian nuclear requirements only.
In this vein, the American secretary of state has recalled the Geneva Joint Plan of Action (June 24, 2013) concerning the steps that are to be taken to resolve the nuclear imbroglio of Iran. That agreement basically deals with key parts of the Iranian nuclear programme in exchange for temporary relief from some economic sanctions. If implemented in full measure, the above mentioned Joint Plan of Action will constitute a first pause in the country’s nuclear programme in more than a decade. Additionally, the agreement’s implementation will make it virtually impossible for Tehran to build a nuclear weapon without being detected.
This scribe has time and again argued through this paper that any resolution of Iran’s nuclear issue depends on the unhindered exercise of the country’s right to use nuclear energy for peaceful purposes. No doubt that the Treaty on Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons provides all of its members the right to peacefully exploit nuclear energy. Peaceful use of nuclear energy by any member of the NPT is linked to simultaneous obligation on the part of the member to comply with the relevant articles of the treaty. Such articles require the treaty members to refrain from using nuclear fuel and related technology from manufacturing atomic bombs.
Window of opportunity
As Iran’s president has stated that in today’s world both cooperation and competition can go hand in hand, there appears a window of opportunity to resolve the nuclear issue diplomatically. Based on the interim agreement between P-5+Germany and Iran and the subsequent nuclear talks between them since then, we can hope that a constructive approach to diplomacy can produce a comprehensive deal that will stop Iran from building nuclear weapons and lead to the lifting of all UN sanctions as well as multinational and national sanctions imposed on Iran, which will bring prosperity to all.
Demand For CDF Increase Raises Eyebrows :Narayan Upadhyay
With the national budget to be presented in parliament anytime soon, lawmakers from across the different political parties are making a shrill cry for a whopping raise in the constituency development fund (CDF). As against the earlier fixed CDF of Rs. 1 million, this time the lawmakers are demanding Rs. 50 million for each of the 240 constituencies. This fund, according to reports and sources at the Constituent Assembly, is to be utilised solely by the lawmakers for different development programmes in their respective constituencies as per their discretion.
Financial burden
The 50-fold increase in the CDF fund would certainly create a new burden on the exchequer. The government, particularly the Ministry of Finance, has so far rejected any increase in the fund. The rejection by the ministry has raised the ire of many ruling coalition lawmakers of the Nepali Congress and UML, compelling them to organise a joint press meet recently to put pressure on the government.
The lawmakers' demand clearly brings to the fore two conflicting ideas - one supporting the demand of the lawmakers and another rejecting it. The people who support the idea claim that the lawmakers who represent their constituencies must have their say on the development activities taking place in their own constituency.
They say the elected representatives must be allowed to take development programmes such as construction of roads, irrigation, schools, hospitals and other infrastructure, special programmes for the minorities, marginalised and the poor as well as socio-cultural activities in each of the constituencies over a certain period of time so that the ties of the elected representatives with the electorate are further enhanced.
The fund, as demanded by the lawmakers, is necessary to carry out these activities as per the promises made by the lawmakers during election time. Without an increase in the funds, the lawmakers who have been representing their constituencies cannot carry out development works in their constituencies. On the other hand, they also cannot remain aloof from the voters who voted them with the hope that the elected lawmakers would work for the constituencies.
The people who support the idea of a raised CDF say that such government funds are made available to the lawmakers to carry out development works in their respective constituencies in countries like India, Malaysia, the Philippines, Pakistan and several others.
In neighbouring India, where the CDF provision has been in practice since 1993, each lawmaker can select a local development programme for his or her constituency amounting to Rs. 50 million. The same provision was in practice in Nepal from 2001 after the government came up with a special regulation to dole out Rs. 1 million for a lawmaker to carry out development activities based on the recommendation of the local development ministry.
But a 50-fold increase in the CDF fund is raising many eyebrows. The ministry of finance has now accepted the demand. But even if the government is forced into doling out the increased funds, it must first implement a strong monitoring and assessment mechanism.
Only a monitoring mechanism will ensure whether or not the disbursed funds are being utilised properly in the development works in the constituencies. In the past, many programmes and projects at the local level were found to be implemented on paper only. At the same time, many programmes in the constituencies were held violating the provisions mentioned in the CDF regulations. All these activities raise a big question mark on the integrity of the lawmakers.
The lawmakers were accused of utilising the CDF for their personal benefit instead of spending it in development activities. Even if some money was spent on some development programme, they have been found gobbling up a large portion of the fund themselves using fake papers and other unethical methods.
The lawmakers have indeed eroded their reputation and overall image following their demand for government dole-outs. The public anger is likely to rise against them sooner, because at present they have the major task of preparing a constitution for a new Nepal, instead of going for raises in their perks, facilities as well as CDF. At a time when the CA has drawn flak for creating unnecessary burdens on the government's financial health, the demand for an increased CDF would not do good for the lawmakers.
Also while proposing an increase in the CDF, our lawmakers have not adopted a scientific or justifiable method. For example, in the nation's hill and mountain districts, there are fewer constituencies, but more infrastructure such as roads need to be built there. In many thickly inhabitated Terai districts, the number of election constituencies are more but the necessary infrastructure is already in place. Therefore, the blanket release of Rs. 50 million for each constituency for carrying out development works just does not gel well.
Should the government buckle under pressure from the lawmakers who were elected through the first-past-the post method and provide them the funds, this could brew dissatisfaction among the remaining 350 or so lawmakers, who might come up with demands of their own. If this happens, the government will have a huge task tackling the new budgetary challenges.
Some justified demands
But not all of the demands of our lawmakers are groundless and unjustified. The demand for a raise in accommodation and transportation facilities by the lawmakers, several of whom hail from different parts of the nation, appears largely valid. The demand for the safety and security of the women lawmakers too is sound. The government must address these genuine demands, because a lawmaker must give most of his time and energy to the tasks mainly centred on the preparation of the constitution and thus should not be distracted by things like their personal security, housing and transportation facilities.
Trees Of Prosperity:Bhimsen Thapaliya
The Chepangs, a tribal minority that lives on wild roots and fruits in the jungle, live so close to the capital, yet their condition is deplorable. This shows that Nepal is still far from becoming a welfare state, unable to take care of its citizens forced to live in inhuman conditions. Many of these tribal people, living in the remote hills of Dhading and Makwanpur districts, have no citizenship papers and lack access to nutritious food and schools. There are families still living in caves and gathering wild roots and berries for survival.
The plight of this backward minority has changed little despite the efforts of some government agencies as well as non-government organisations. The life of these people is so deeply rooted in superstitious beliefs that the spoon feed approach of these agencies is having negligent impact. Besides, there are people who try to take advantage of their ignorance, poverty and backwardness. Some clever people exploit their labour by paying wages that barely help make ends meet. Poachers use them to kill rhinos in the Chitwan National Park for a few hundred rupees.
The Chepangs belong to the forest, and they have been using the jungle's resources for ages to eke out a living. In order to change the lives of the Chepangs for the better, one has to come up with approaches that are designed to suit the reality of their life in the jungle. Their economic status can be improved only if there is a way to use the natural resources while ensuring forest conservation. By definition, conservation is neither the use of natural resources in a destructive way nor a complete ban on them. One has to devise a middle path that is sustainable.
One such method is to the management of leasehold forestry, which has reportedly proved a boon for this community in Makwanpur district. Under this scheme, the government leases out the forests to the local communities for a fixed period of time. The local users use the jungle resources to meet their needs and also take the guardianship to ensure that deforestation does not happen.
The Makwanpur model has involved local Chepang farmers to cultivate cash crops in order to boost their income. The farming of bananas, broomsticks and lemon in the area has helped to boost the income of the people. The Chepang people, who were earlier displaced by floods and landslides at different places, are now managing the leasehold forests in areas like Raksirang, Sarikhet, Kalikatar and Bharta.
One benefit forest conservation has had is in livestock farming. The poor Chepang farmers have raised their income from livestock, especially goat raising. Bananas, brooms, lemon and pineapple are the cash crops that have helped the people come out of the long cycle of poverty.
The leasehold forest scheme has not only improved the livelihood of the Chepang minority but also brought about desirable environmental results. The once denuded lands have turned lush, and the enriched green cover has helped to tame natural calamities like soil erosion, landslides and desertification.
Review, Research And Reform:Thaneshwar Bhusal
During a roundtable talk organised recently in Kathmandu, vice-chair of the National Planning Commission reiterated the need to review, research and reform our bureaucracy. According to him, the Nepalese bureaucracy severely lacks competency in terms of accepting the private sector as well as spending public money in big projects, mainly in the infrastructure sector. On the one hand, this underlines the extent of our bureaucratic rigidity on the institutional as well as behavioural front. On the other hand, these arguments demand a review of the mandate of the civil service based on scientific research so that appropriate reform measures can be taken in time.
Public sector reforms
To test the mindset of the existing bureaucrats so as to understand whether they are friendly to the private sector, it is important to go back to our administrative reform initiatives that were envisaged after the political changes in the 1990s. Just as the global public management reform movements at the beginning of the 1990s, the Nepalese public sector reforms in the 1990s were also introducing at least some of the characteristics of new public management, including privatisation, for instance. Other attributes of new public management such as the performance contract were, however, seriously neglected in practice though the provision was well codified in the proceeding legislation.
Even two decades after the introduction of the administrative reforms, the lens of looking at the private sector has not changed. Instead, the involvement of the private sector in public sector management is misinterpreted and thereby leading the overall civil service towards corruption.
The second line of argument is rather on the competency aspect of the civil servants. As the vice-chair has called for the need to assess the ability of the civil servants to understand and thereby build up the capacity to manage public money in investment ventures, we must reform the current rules and regulations. Without robust reforms in the principles of hiring and firing senior level positions, the government will continue to be working with those people who, in the vice-chair’s words, are unfriendly towards understanding the importance of big investment.
If we look at the red books of the National Planning Commission and Ministry of Finance, we see millions of rupees being allocated for research in different sectors. But in reality, the implementation of research projects is rather upsetting. Many of the research projects are implemented as if they were meant to produce a thesis for a Bachelor’s degree. Regardless of good intention whilst allocating budget for research in the public sector, public managers who lead the research projects simply do not seem to have adequate knowledge about research projects.
This circumstance drives one to ponder over not only ‘why’ we need research projects, but also ‘how’ they should be implemented. The pragmatic options could of two-fold: either the government should create some senior level positions as researchers and have them in all the sectors, or it could form a separate institution by merging all the research entities. The first option, if managed properly, could result in having specialised researchers in all the ministries. In the long run, these researchers could become sectoral experts, and the government could use them whenever sectoral reform measures are needed.
The second option, however, could be difficult to implement, but should it occur, it could strengthen our bureaucracy. The existing institutions of research, for example the Health Research Council, Nepal Agriculture Research Council or the Centre for Policy Analysis, to name but a few, would be the institutions worth amalgamating. Under the jurisdiction of a new research entity, several policy specific units could be established so that sectoral researchers could perform independently. Appropriation of budget to such a new institution would be worth allocating and the outcome could be easily evaluated.
Nepal’s administrative reform initiatives are rarely praised for whatever outcome they might have produced. There are many political and administrative reasons why the reforms are ridiculed. Politically, reform programmes appear as a revolution and disappear without any significant implications. Administratively, the implementers often demonstrate great enthusiasm and after sometime, they tend to abandon the reform programmes because (i) they do not get any support both from within and outside the system, (ii) they are discouraged from leading them, (iii) the new government usually displays reluctance in implementing the reform measures of their predecessors.
A rather heuristic approach to reform therefore is to institutionalise the reform programmes as soon as possible so as to avoid chances of being abandoned. The sooner the reforms are institutionalised, the more the chances for continuation.
One perfect example of this is the Hello Sarkar unit at the Office of the Prime Minister and Council of Ministers. It would be a different context to ask how much impact Hello Sarkar has had in the public sector, but the obvious fact is that it has been well institutionalised and therefore continues even after the changes in the government.
Power to NPC
As the vice-chair is concerned about the reforms, the government should introduce some robust reforms to bring changes in the existing bureaucratic system, working procedures, structure and culture. In achieving this end, initiating reforms such as the Administrative Reform Commission/Committees or projects will not be sufficient. The National Planning Commission should be given the power to recommend the best reform measures.
(The author is a pursuing his PhD at the ANZSIG (Institute of Governance and Policy Analysis), University of Canberra, ACT, Australia)
Good Planning Is Never Late:Prem Khatry
Today the world is moving toward urban life. The pace may differ from place to place, region to region or country to country. Or, one might be a bit more objective and say from level of economy to economy. But the move is certainly towards an urban setting, urban planning and urban culture. By the middle of the century, a large portion of the world population will be fully merged into an urban setting, enjoying the amenities of life.
It will take time and concerted effort to put our own city, Kathmandu, the capital of Nepal, in the world urban arena with some important urban features in place. Gradually, other cities that we have named 'metropolitan' will also emerge in the arena. We can also say that we are already there as we have a large portion of the nation's population now inhabiting the city, actively contributing to the growth of the city and its functions. What is lacking though is good planning for the city's future, for the city's march towards a world-class status.
Back in the 11th and 12th centuries, the city fathers, the government and people had a clear vision of the city - mahanagara - from the standard that was there. There were streets, lanes, by-lanes, squares, open spaces, religious and cultural spaces and facilities for the city dwellers. People were using pure drinking water, clean air and healthy foodstuffs and a well-managed government. People were satisfied and this was important.
Haphazard growth
Compared to what was there at a time when resources were limited and so were the amenities, we live in a totally different world. If approached properly, resources can now arrive within a matter of days or even hours, and we are enjoying it through our city fathers and the government. But the main problem in our city now is that we have very haphazard growth without proper planning and implementation of viable as well as important measures to make Kathmandu look better.
Internal political and administrative factors as well several external factors are responsible for the lack of proper growth, carrying capacity and sustainability of our cities - Kathmandu being the foremost example of mismanagement. Take the external factor first. Even for a short task like a passport or court-related sojourn, people have to come to Kathmandu from all the 75 districts, or literally from all the 4,000 VDCs. The line never stops - it is an eternal phenomenon. It is said when cities are having an extra number of mouths to feed and their growth is unabated, our villages are emptying gradually and at a faster rate.
People migrate to the cities for better opportunities, and this is a universal phenomenon. But the host city has to be aware of this situation and improve its carrying capacity. Kathmandu has been a sure destination of many youths, others as our development has always been lopsided - much less development planning and resources trickle down to the rural, remote and distant lands. This was true yesterday, more so today.
The greatest effect of unplanned growth and lack of proper planning in the distribution of facilities has had a direct bearing on the city dwellers' health. At this time of compiling this write-up, one popular FM is informing the listeners that a lot of poisonous green vegetables are arriving and being distributed from the Kalimati vegetable bazaar. This is no new information. The Kathmandu dwellers are consuming poison in the form of vegetables, fruits, water and other consumer goods. That is now a normal scenario with an abnormal impact on health.
Now the question is: where do people ultimately end up with a host of malaises? Or is that place safe, either? The answer is: a sure and certain 'No'. Just take a ride on the Ring Road. Start from the Bagmati-Balkhu confluence on the Kirtipur Road where there is one expensive and new hospital. Stay on the road and go to Gongabu, continue to Basundhara, Chabel, Koteshwar and observe carefully. All hospitals, clinics, research centres suffer from dust, noise, air, water and other forms of acute pollution. It looks like the Nepal Medical Council issues license without looking at the location of the service providers.
The government does not have a regulation and a corps of supervisors to look after the vulnerable situation caused by the health agencies themselves. We remember how once lack of such staff members in the health services department had caused problems in dealing with the rotten medicines in the stores in the city. It is hard to believe that our doctors play with the health of their patients for the sake of material gain, and the city fathers (now in the absence of elected authorities) tend to ignore the factors that play a role in maintaining or destroying the health of the city dwellers.
Will the heaven fall on us if the government encourages the newly started hospitals to go to the edge of the city near the forests, open spaces, clean air and water and away from the dust and noise? Won't these locations add to the life of the sick people and the credibility of the curers? And there are still plenty of such places in the good old Valley of Kathmandu. It is only a matter of looking for your own comfort against the patients' pain and making it more painful for them to bear. In fact, if our hospitals, schools and colleges make a move toward the edges of the valley and breathe, eat and drink pure, life would be different there and here, too. The question is: after all, who will bell the cat?
Time-consuming task
Finally, city planning is a task - tough and time consuming. And if you don’t begin it on time, you do not go very far. Kathmandu has been a brilliant example of how mismanagement can go to any direction. Whether garbage deposit or water supply, road expansion or road quality, traffic jam or road accident, Kathmandu has always struggled to show its urban face with urban amenities and problem solving mechanisms in place. The city administrators cannot lose time in planning the city better at a time when popularly elected city fathers are still to be born.
Land Degradation, A Growing Issue:Ashmita Rawal
Serious problems plague the farmers of Nepal. One of them is land degradation, which is the removal of materials from upstream to downstream through weathering, mass wasting and erosion. The main problem with land degradation is that it leads to siltation and sedimentation.
The Terai region mainly suffers from degradation of the Siwalik, the weakest and youngest mountain range in terms of geology. The Siwalik is represented by soft, loose and easily erodible soil. Hence the region faces devastating floods and drought. The common types of mass movement in the Siwalik are gully erosion, mud flow, slumping, toppling and rock fall.
The Terai has also experienced massive deforestation since the control of malaria there. Except for the protected forests, almost the entire Terai region is cultivated. This has also increased flooding, soil erosion and mass wasting of the soils of the Terai.
In the hills, farmers engage in terrace farming due to the sloping landscape. But the farmers are still uneducated and use obsolete methods of farming. Shifting cultivation is one among those methods. In shifting cultivation, farmers grow vegetation on one land, and after harvesting they leave the land and shift to another land, leaving the previous land bare. This leads to soil denudation and gradually degrades the land quality through erosion.
In recent years, Nepal’s population has increased manifold. The land is limited, but the population has been increasing geometrically. This has led to land fragmentation. Thus, water penetrates into the land fragments, which exert enormous water pressure, causing huge slumps and mud flows.
When many people live in a certain locality, pollution is high. Acid rain, which is caused by pollution, also increases the frequency of sliding as it fast saturates the soft rock.
Nepal's land is not classified based on capability. Low quality land is also used for cultivation and grazing although they lead to degradation. The Soil Conservation and Watershed Management (SCWM) Act allows limitations to be placed on land use. But the SCWM act and regulations are difficult to enforce strictly on private land.
Land use planning programmes are a must to improve the degraded watershed, to improve land quality and ultimately to improve people's livelihood. Awareness should be raised through extension programmes to the community members by forming user groups, model farmers at the local level to disseminate information and technology and to motivate them to participate in SCWM activities. Different income generating activities like mushroom cultivation, bamboo and plantation should be encouraged on their lands.
On degraded lands, management activities based on critical sub-watershed prioritisation, appropriate agricultural practices, such as the Sloping Agricultural Land Technology (SALT) that is cost effective and simple, and leasehold forestry should be introduced to minimise shifting cultivation and improve the livelihood of the people through agro-forestry practices.
Improving the terraces, slope correction, grazing management should be practiced to stabilise the degraded land. Gully treatment, torrent control, stream bank protection are to be done under the natural hazard prevention programme. New canals need to be constructed and irrigational facilities drastically improved. This also helps to regulate the runoff and check flooding.
Land degradation is an issue which must be seriously looked into. The government should leave no stone unturned to protect our land. Every citizen should look into the problem as a process. The land is our heritage; we should protect and preserve it by using it properly.
World With Superpowers:P. Kharel
Ukraine’s recent process of disintegration has been received with great concern in the United States and its allies in the European Union. Crimea, with overwhelming popular support, voted for integration with Russia. Other regions, which like Crimea have a strong presence of people of Russian origin, are also asserting their right to self-determination to emulate Crimea. US-EU threats and actual measures of sanctions against Russia and some of its leaders for endorsing the Crimean overture have not made President Vladimir Putin reverse the Crimean merger.
Almost 25 years ago, the Soviet Union had broken up. It had generated excessive euphoria in the Western world as it proclaimed the end of the Cold War and the existence of only one superpower, i.e. the United States. The Soviet Union’s disintegration had direct bearings on the world’s first communist country’s satellite states in Eastern Europe that got liberated from communist rule directed from Moscow.
For nearly 20 years, there seemed to be only one superpower. The last few years give a different indication. The world is back to a balance of power whereby no single power player monopolises superpower status and falls into the pit of power monopoly to have its way around any which way it chooses.
Inevitable
Vladimir Putin’s Russia is nowhere near the status the Soviet Union once had. But it is now distinctly a superpower, even if a far second to the United States. The Soviet Union and China did not have the best of relations not long after the 1949 communist takeover in Beijing. In the new millennium, things have shifted and changed dramatically between these two neighbouring powers. The two countries have buried many of their earlier differences and have given concrete demonstrations of willingness to work together for economic gains and their strategic interests vis a vis the “only superpower” and its allies in the EU.
Syria serves as a case in point. Sino-Russian rapport is the cause that prevented a Western-led intervention in Syria aimed at toppling President Bashar al-Asaad. France wanted to do a Libya on Syria but backed out early when Washington and London suggested to French President Francois Hollande to withhold the plan of military intervention which they themselves had encouraged earlier.
The sudden shift in strategy occurred when Moscow made it explicitly clear that direct outside intervention in that oil rich country would not be welcome. It also delivered sophisticated air defence missiles to Damascus. Beijing discreetly let Washington and Paris know that it was behind Moscow on this. Once the message was put across fine and firmly, the European fronts for the US withheld their preparations for action against Damascus.
The pattern of foreign interventions whose sponsors want regime change or secession is to mobilise “civil society” and “human rights” groups. It is by now all too familiar. If this does not work, “threats to national interests” are given out as reasons for intervention. US-led interventions in Iraq and Afghanistan are of this mode.
Just as Iraq under Saddam Hussein was attacked on the charge that he was about to unleash weapons of mass destruction, the alleged use of chemical weapons by Assad was the unsubstantiated ruse brewed as justification for French-led military action, with Washington’s full approval even if not visibly a participant in action.
The West had persisted with its claim that Saddam Hussein in Iraq possessed weapons of mass destruction even when different quarters questioned it seriously. Various public opinion polls in the US and Britain had suggested that interventions be made only with the endorsement of the United Nations. However, the UN was ignored when military interventions were set in motion.
Afghanistan, Iraq and Libya are valuable textbooks for the study of international events in the so-called post-Cold War years. Covert support from outside to local groups is a method used so often that it no longer remains a secret. East Timor, Sudan, Sri Lanka, among others, can also be seen in this light. The long dead Arab Spring and its effects are also ample food for thought.
Where does Russia figure then? It has emerged as a superpower that enables the world to maintain a degree of balance of power. The Cold War, according to Western scholars and their ilk, ended with the Soviet disintegration. However, arms sales have not declined. The most deadly and largest exports of weapons originate in the West. The United Nations has been ignored by the big powers whenever they cannot draw the required support in the world body for their plans and interventions.
Russia’s economic and diplomatic ties with China have developed in the Putin years faster than at any time in the previous four decades, although one is a multiparty polity and the other the oldest existing one-party communist state. China, the world’s most populous nation, has made rapid economic strides unthinkable for it prior to the 1980s. The US-EU block on the one hand, and Sino-Russian rapport and cooperation on the other will make a highly interesting course of study in the ensuing times.
Some analysts point to the ups and downs in Sino-Russian history. These are also the analysts who never mention that Afghanistan has a record of always repelling, defeating and eventually evicting all foreign invaders from its soil. Yet, in the last 35 years alone, foreign players have ignored and suffered from indifference to past records. Germany and Italy, during World Wars I and II, were diametrically different from what they are nearly 70 years later when it comes to their relationships with, among others, Britain, France and the US.
Counterweight
Beijing and Moscow were never so close as in the new millennium. The resources they have and the economic potential and positions they possess make the two UN Security Council veto powers formidable forces, individually and as allies.
The US army is stationed in different parts of the world, ostensibly to serve American security interests and world peace. American troops have been stationed in countries like Japan, the Philippines and South Korea since several decades in its relentless march for retaining and expanding influence over other countries and regions. In contrast, the presence of Russian troops beyond the neighbourhood is virtually absent. China’s record is even better on this score.
Concerning Syria, Russia's message to the “international community” consisting of basically the West is clear: An effectively counterweight to the US-EU block has emerged firmly and with determination not to be a silent witness to the events of global importance being created and controlled by a monopolist alliance.
UML's 9th Convention Leadership Row Overshadows Policy Debate:Nandalal Tiwari
Instead of holding debate on what policies the party should take to end the elongated political transition, the ninth national congress of the CPN (UML), the second largest party in the Constituent Assembly (CA), is more focussed on who should be the party's chairman. The mutually belittling remarks against each other by the two rival leaders for the party's top post have not only harmed the overall stature of the party, but also diminished the importance of the convention as if it is meant solely for changing the guard of the party and not the guidance, that is the policy or ideology.
Battle for post only
Since there is not much debate on ideology and no difference in the policy between Madhav Kumar Nepal and KP Sharma Oli - the two UML leaders who have announced their candidacy for the chairmanship - the convention is going to be meaningful only with respect to who will bag the top post. In this sense, the convention will be of great interest only to the rival factions than to the UML's supporters, well-wishers and common people.
Certainly, the national congress of any political party is also a battle for the top post. But along with that, in some parties in Nepal, we also see heated debate on ideology, especially in the communist parties. But the UML has the luxury of pointing at the People's Multiparty Democracy (PMD) as its basic guiding principle or policy.
The PMD was formulated more than two decades back by the then general secretary, Madan Bhandari. Since then the political landscape of the country has changed drastically, but the UML has been carrying the same set of ideas inked when the constitutional monarchy was there and multi-party democracy had just been reinstated.
It is not that the UML has not come up with any new policies in this convention. Incumbent chairman Jhala Nath Khanal has made it clear in his political report tabled at the convention that the party would adopt a policy of cooperation with the Nepali Congress, the largest party in the CA, until the new constitution is promulgated. He has also declared that the political revolution has been complete and that there is now a need for socio-economic transformation.
Given the present situation that demands cooperation among all the political parties for constitution writing, the UML's policy to have a working alliance with the NC is the need of the hour, not any novel policy to end the political transition. He has also given due importance to bringing the political forces outside the CA on board the constitution-writing process. This is something all the parties in the CA have been harping repeatedly.
To say that the political revolution has been complete without promulgation of the new constitution is immature. Even if the political revolution means setting up of the republican system, this new system has yet to be institutionalised by the new constitution although practically it has been institutionalised by the interim constitution.
Moreover, there is the toughest issue, federalism, to settle. And if this issue that failed the first CA is not resolved in a manner that satisfies all the political and social forces, the republican system could also be questioned. We already have parties which want to reinstate the monarchy, and they have gained more votes in the latest election than before.
The most important thing about the UML convention is that it has been successful in putting the democratic process into practice. The party's delegates came through an internal election, not by selection, nomination or hand-picking. As in the eighth convention, an election is likely to be held to elect the chairman and other office bearers of the party. This practice in the UML can be credited for promoting a democratic culture in the country.
What the UML has missed is an analysis of its contribution to uplifting the living conditions of the working class people. The party has not assessed any of its policies that influenced state policy in the interest of the class for which it claims to be working.
Presently, the UML leadership is of one voice that Nepal is no longer a semi-feudal or semi-colonial state. The party is likely to endorse that the capitalist revolution is over and there is a need to move the country to socialism. But here is a question: if Nepal was a semi-colonial state some 20 years back, how come it is not so now? Has there been an amendment in the treaties such as the 1950 treaty with India and treaties with other countries that may have been unequal? If not, what was the basis to term Nepal a semi-colonial state then and what is the new basis for saying that it is no longer so?
Moreover, the UML, especially the delegates to the ninth general convention, should ponder over what real influence the UML has had on the national economic policies in creating better conditions for the proletariat. If they do so, they will find that their party has always supported the NC's economic policies, which means the NC is the sole political party shaping the country's economic policies.
The UML should come up with a concrete policy to have a working alliance with the political forces for the sake of the working class. This is a much needed policy for all the parties that call them communists. As the UML claims to be the mainstream and liberal communist party, it should come up with ideas to bring all the communist parties under its umbrella.
Economic policies
But for that, it should present specific economic policies. For instance, it has presented a specific policy for demarcating the country into seven federal states with mixed identity. Will this bring changes in the lives of the poor people and also contribute to the overall development of the country? This responsibility lies with the UML delegates because they can compel the leaders to do so in the national congress.
Dealing With Anger:Nirajan Pudasaini
Anger is a normal human emotion. One gets angry when things go against one's expectation. Generally anger is a healthy reaction, but when it goes out of control it turns destructive. Anger causes problems in one’s personal and social relationship. Excessive anger ruins the overall quality of life. That’s why anger control is a must. Dealing properly with anger can prevent one from possible bad consequences.
Gautam Buddha once said, “Holding on to anger is like grasping a hot coal with the intent of throwing it at someone else; you are the one who gets burned.” According to him, anger is a normal thing which we should erase from our mind as soon as possible. The more it resides in our mind, the more self-destruction will occur. Buddhist textbooks suggest eight different ways to curb anger.
In a recent football match between Portugal and Germany, Pepe, the Portuguese defender, had to leave the football ground just 37 minutes after the match began as he was given a red card for failing to control his anger and butting German forward Thomas Mueller on the head. Had he controlled his anger, Portugal wouldn’t have had to play with one man down for the rest of the game, and it would probably have changed the final score, too. Because of a single player’s anger, the rest of the squad and all supporters had to suffer as the game ended in a humiliating 4-0 win by Germany.
Some people are angry by birth. We can see some babies who are easily angered, touchy and irritable. This type of anger is inherited. The socio-cultural environment is another cause of anger amongst numerous people. The family background plays a major role in building one's emotional and psychological state.
The range of anger differs from person to person. The way they deal with it also differs. Some people get angry more quickly than others. Some people show their anger without a thought for others while some hide their anger. Whatever be the type, anger causes only harm. One who hides his anger will face more psychological problems than one who expresses it.
If one gets hyper angry frequently, proper counselling is needed in order to restore a calm emotional state. For others, some simple exercises, relaxation techniques and adequate thinking before expressing anger works better in controlling it.
According to Thomas Jefferson, America's third president, one should count to ten before speaking when s/he is angry. If very angry, s/he should count to one hundred. The main point here is thinking before doing anything in anger. We should give time for our brain to think before we do something bad in anger.
Anger should be expressed once we become calm. It’s better if we express anger in a different way like a smile or a laugh. It is popularly known as laughing therapy. Relaxation skills like yoga, deep breathing exercises or use of calming words make it easy to control anger.
“To be angry is to revenge the faults of others on ourselves,” said Alexander Pope. So, we need to learn not to be angry, and in cases where we get angry we shouldn’t let it reside inside ourselves for a long time. We need to learn to control anger. Otherwise it will surely control us.
UML’s Ninth Convention Cadres Must Fight Against Neo-feudalism:Ritu Raj Subedi
It is a matter open to dispute - whether the ongoing ninth general convention of the Communist Party of Nepal-Unified Marxist Leninist (CPN-UML) is the continuity of the first convention of undivided CPN held in Lalitpur on January 26, 1954. But, what all agree is a marked contrast between the two historic moments. At that time, the country had already seen the light of democracy but the CPN was banned for its alleged involvement in the political adventure of Dr K. I. Singh, who briefly captured Singha Durbar and then fled the country to take shelter in China. The CPN was compelled to hold convention underground to avoid the prying eyes of the security forces. Its main topic of discussion was whether to accept constitutional monarchy or give continuity to republicanism. Many communist leaders were impatient to remove the ban on the CPN so they stood for constitutional monarchy, hoping that the government would stop outlawing their party. The republican line, adopted by Pushpa Lal, fell in minority. But, the government of Tanka Prasad Acharya was simply not ready to lift the ban just because the CPN recognised the constitutional king. It resorted to other manoeuvres to exert pressure on the government. King Tribhuvan had just passed away and Mahendra was declared the new king but the coronation ceremony was yet to take place. The CPN threatened to launch a nationwide satyagraha (civil disobedience) on the day of coronation if the ban was not lifted. This tactic finally worked and the ban was lifted on condition that CPN should carry out its activities peacefully. Even if the CPN succeeded to be legitimate political force in its formative years, the party plunged in perennial struggle of two lines: To support constitutional monarchy or fight for the republican system. This dispute sapped the energy and confidence of CPN for decades until this chapter closed following the abolition of monarchy in 2008.
Ideological debate
The CPN-UML is holding its ninth convention in a free democratic environment. No sword of Damocles hangs over its head. This is the biggest achievement of the Nepalese communist movement since it started some 65 years ago. The CPN was born in the dark feudal rule of Ranas and therefore its primary goal was to do away with that system. Today the communist parties are saying that feudal production relations were no longer in existence and now their mission is to embark on the economic revolution to create a just, fair and inclusive society. The UML jamboree takes place in the midst of the political and ideological metamorphoses. This is the first time that any party in Nepal organised an intense and broad debate to settle the ideological issue. Such a debate holds potential to energize the party even if, for some, the debate whether the country is in feudal state or has entered a capitalistic phase appears to be hogwash. This debate seeks to strengthen inner-party democracy and provides impetus to maintain order and discipline. However, such an intellectual enterprise is not without the risk of intensifying the factional campaign to grab the leadership mantle as seen in the convention of the largest communist force of the country.
It is sad to note that the cut and thrust ofideological debate failed to check the flurry of distasteful invectives that both the sides are trading against each other. The UML big shots boast of forging a consensus on ideology but the dispute as to who is the successor of this ideology remains unresolved. The onus to sort out this vital dispute has fallen on the shoulders of over 2,300 convention representatives. The main thrust of ideological document of the party is that Nepal is no longer a semi-feudal and semi-colonial nation but a capitalistic one and it should embark on the socialistic construction. Madhav Kumar Nepal and KP Sharma Oli, who are now in contest for the post of chairmanship, are claiming themselves to be the true heir to the party’s ideology in different ways. The Nepal faction argues that an individual, whose ideology is endorsed in the party, will also have legitimate right to lead it. His supporters argue that since the party has given thumbs up to the ideology presented by the Thought Group under Nepal, he should be its natural leader as per the tradition of the communist parties. In addition to it, Nepal acolytes insist that he has a clean image, power of persuasion and coordination among the parties on the national stage. He is active, hard-working, honest and popular among the cadres and people, and has a cream team of youths behind him. But, the Oli group offers not a less strong argument in his support. They say it is Oli, who contributed to the enhancement of People’s Multiparty Democracy (PMD), a guiding principle of the party. His documents, presented in the fifth and sixth convention, have played an important role in the ideological evolution of the PMD. He constantly stood by the party’s ideology and checked the party from deviating towards ultra-left and rightist direction. Oli gave a voice to those victimised by the Maoist brutality when the political parties were intimidated and the voice of the civil society was muzzled.
Economic vision
It is beyond doubt that the UML had played an important role to bring the Nepali Congress to the republican path and UCPN-M to the democratic one, and thereby usher in the era of democratic republic. Despite its on and off opportunistic behaviours, the UML has performed an impressive balancing act in the national politics. However, people have little interest on whether the nation has graduated to capitalism or still is in feudalism. This seems to be a futile intellectual debate for many people hit hard by the high inflation, joblessness and grinding poverty. The abstract discourse holds little appeal for them. Today much fertile land in the country is left barren as hundreds of thousands of Nepalese youths are sweating in the desert for just a little amount of salary. The convention should be able to carve out an economic vision to develop agriculture sector for the creation of employment at home. The party, its leaders and full-time cadres live on the donations from business people, which have in turn contributed to the spiralling of the prices of essential goods and the widespread corruption. The party’s cadres must learn to be self-reliant economically and ethically. Even if feudalism has vanished from the society theoretically, new form of feudalism has crept in the acts and conduct of the communist leaders. Therefore, the enlightened cadres need to wage a relentless struggle inside the party to get rid of the neo-feudalistic mindset deeply entrenched in their political overlords.